How much has changed since that tragic night of June 13, 2025? Have the survivors of the massacre found healing and security, or are they still trapped by fear, poverty and painful memories? JOHN CHARLES visited Yelewata on Saturday and reports on a community still searching for answers

In Yelewata, memories do not live in photographs alone; they stand in burnt walls, empty compounds and the tears of survivors who still struggle to understand why hundreds of their neighbours never lived to see another sunrise.

The tears came without warning.

Standing before the charred remains of a house in Yelewata, Saaondo, a middle aged man, could no longer hold back the memories. Around him, prayers echoed from a memorial Mass organised to honour victims of the June 13, 2025 massacre. But for him, the tragedy was not history; it was a wound that reopened with every glance at the ruins.

A year ago, fate spared him. He had travelled out of the community just hours before armed attackers stormed Yelewata, killing hundreds and setting homes ablaze. Those he left behind never escaped.

Last Saturday, as the community marked the first anniversary of the attack, the sorrow was unmistakable. Behind the speeches, prayers and unveiling of a monument bearing 272 names was a painful reality: while the dead are being remembered, many survivors say they are yet to rebuild their lives.

One of the leaders of Yelewata community, Matthew Mnyan, noticed Saaondo standing alone and quietly approached him. Concerned, he asked why he had stepped away from the memorial Mass and appeared deeply troubled.

The man’s response was enough to melt even the hardest heart.

‘I would have died too’

Pointing to the burnt remains of a house nearby, Saaondo said, “I left this particular house for Makurdi on the eve of June 13. But all the occupants of the house were killed and burnt when the marauders invaded Yelewata. If I had been around that night, I would have been among those being remembered at this memorial today.”

His grief reflected the mood in Yelewata last Saturday as the once-sleepy community again played host to visitors from different walks of life. They had not come to celebrate a festival or honour a prominent figure. Rather, they had gathered to mark the first anniversary of the deadly attack that left the community devastated.

Yelewata, located along the Lafia-Makurdi Federal Highway in Guma Local Government Area of Benue State, came under a brutal attack on June 13, 2025. The assault, which reportedly lasted about four hours, drew national and international attention. Initial reports put the death toll at about 200.

However, with the unveiling of a memorial monument in honour of the victims during the first anniversary commemoration, the number of those killed was officially put at 272, including 67 children.

According to Franc Utoo, a native of the community and Director of Advocacy for the US-based non-profit organisation, Equipping The Persecuted, which funded the Yelewata Genocide Memorial Monument, the project was conceived to ensure that the victims are never forgotten.

“By choosing to erect this monument, the organisation affirms that those slain in Yelewata must never be reduced to a passing headline or anonymous casualty figures. They must be remembered with dignity, permanence and honour,” he said.

He added, “As the first monument of its kind in Benue State, it occupies a historic place in the moral landscape of remembrance. It preserves the names of the 272 members of the Yelewata community who were killed — 67 children, 83 women and 122 men — and places before the world a solemn record of lives violently taken.”

As residents and visitors marked the anniversary, it became evident that Yelewata is still struggling to recover from the tragedy. Twelve months after the attack, the scars remain visible and the pain is far from over.

Memorial service

Delivering his homily at the memorial Mass, the Catholic Bishop of Makurdi Diocese, Most Rev. Wilfred Anagbe, called on government at all levels to adopt a deliberate policy of resettling displaced persons in their ancestral communities rather than keeping them indefinitely in makeshift Internally Displaced Persons camps.

According to the bishop, the continued confinement of displaced persons in camps for fear of further attacks amounts to a defeatist approach and projects the government as powerless in the face of insecurity.

He argued that keeping otherwise productive members of communities in camps where they depend largely on charity is counterproductive to their physical and psychological well-being and ultimately undermines their dignity.

Anagbe also faulted the Benue and Nasarawa State governments for what he described as negligence, accusing them of failing to act on intelligence reports that allegedly warned of the impending attack on Yelewata.

Despite the tragedy, the bishop commended the resilience of the people of Yelewata, noting that they have remained steadfast in the face of immense physical and psychological trauma.

He assured them that the Christian community across the world continues to stand with them in prayer and solidarity.

Moro blasts FG

In his remarks, Senate Minority Leader Abba Moro criticised the Federal Government and Nigeria’s political class for what he described as their failure to fully appreciate the magnitude of the insecurity confronting the nation.

Moro accused the government of avoiding uncomfortable truths and warned that refusing to confront the problem head-on would not make it disappear.

Taking a swipe at the country’s political elite, he asked: “Can we, in all honesty, go around during campaigns and ask the people to vote for us again when the mandate already entrusted to us has not been effectively deployed for their well-being? We need to wake up.”

How are survivors faring?

For many residents, the first anniversary of the attack was not only a time to remember the dead but also an opportunity to draw attention to the plight of the living.

A community leader, Matthew Mnyan, painted a grim picture of life in Yelewata one year after the tragedy, lamenting that many survivors are still struggling to rebuild their lives.

According to him, poverty has deepened in the community, while insecurity remains a major concern.

He said residents still live in fear and cannot venture far from the community or freely access their farms because of persistent security threats.

Mnyan cited the case of a young girl who was allegedly sexually assaulted while fetching firewood in a nearby bush.

“People of Yelewata and neighbouring communities, especially Udei, are still living in fear. They cannot access their farms because of recurring attacks in the area,” he said.

“There is a case involving a young girl that I am still pursuing. She was sent to fetch firewood from a nearby bush and was allegedly molested by four suspected herders. Incidents like this show that our people are still vulnerable.

“The level of poverty has also increased because many people who relied on small-scale businesses and other means of livelihood have not been able to recover from the attack.”

Mnyan also criticised the Technical Committee on Donations for Internally Displaced Persons, headed by the Secretary to the Benue State Government, Deborah Aber, accusing it of not doing enough to alleviate the suffering of survivors.

“While the government may believe it has done a lot, many people in the community feel otherwise,” he said.

The community leader said residents had advised the state government on how best to utilise donations received from individuals and organisations, including the contribution made by the First Lady Oluremi Tinubu, but alleged that the funds had not been effectively deployed for the benefit of victims.

In March this year, the Secretary to the State Government announced that the committee had received about N1.25bn in donations from various sources, including N1bn donated by the First Lady following the attack.

Mnyan said the community had proposed that a substantial part of the funds be used to resettle displaced residents and support their economic recovery.

“We suggested that some of the money should be given to affected persons as start-up capital for small businesses, while markets and other facilities that would help restore livelihoods should also be provided,” he said.

He further alleged that some of the beneficiaries selected by the committee were not among the names submitted by the community.

According to him, residents raised concerns that the list used for the distribution of assistance did not accurately reflect those affected by the attack.

Mnyan also questioned the quality of some of the housing projects being executed for displaced persons, alleging that some of the buildings had already begun to develop cracks.

He called on Governor Hyacinth Alia to personally visit the community and assess the situation on the ground.

“I am not sure the governor is fully aware of what is happening. I urge him to come and see things for himself, inspect the projects and hear directly from the people of Yelewata,” he said.

Mnyan further expressed concern that several directives issued by President Bola Tinubu during his condolence visit to Benue State had yet to be implemented.

However, the Benue State Emergency Management Agency presented a different account of the situation.

The agency’s Information Officer, Tena Ager, said some displaced persons from Yelewata had already been resettled, while others remained at the International Market IDP camp.

According to him, more than 1,000 completed housing units have been allocated to displaced persons, while the government has acquired additional land in the community for the development of social infrastructure, including a mosque, church, hospital and market.

“Government has also provided cash assistance and other relief materials to the people of Yelewata,” Ager said.

punch.ng

FOLLOW US ON:

FACEBOOK

TWITTER

PINTEREST

TIKTOK

YOUTUBE

LINKEDIN

INSTAGRAM

Actor Olanrewaju Omiyinka, popularly known as Baba Ijesha, has announced the birth of his son.

The actor disclosed this in an Instagram post on Monday, sharing a maternity photoshoot featuring himself and his wife.

Expressing gratitude to God, Baba Ijesha revealed that the couple welcomed a baby boy named King Kagar Omiyinka.

He wrote, “In quiet ways, in unseen ways, God has been writing a story only He could tell. We thank the Almighty for blessing us with a healthy baby boy.

“God gave me more than I prayed for. My ever beautiful wife, strong Jagaban, Abikese de mi owo, @ceolumineeofficial, who became the mother of my son, King Kagar Omiyinka.”

The announcement attracted congratulatory messages from fans and colleagues in the entertainment industry.

Baba Ijesha was released from prison in November 2025 after serving a jail term following his conviction in a child sexual assault case.

Former Head of State, Gen Abdulsalami Abubakar (retd.), has disclosed that when Gen Olusegun Obasanjo came to see him after his release from prison in 1998, he advised him point-blank to abandon the idea of contesting the presidential election.

He said he told him at the time to go home, thank God he was alive, and forget about becoming President.

Abdulsalami also revealed that at the same meeting, he talked Obasanjo out of filing a lawsuit against the Federal Government over his wrongful imprisonment, warning him that the court process was uncertain and offering instead to explore compensation for the collapse of his business during his years in detention.

The accounts are contained in Chapter 22 of Abdulsalami’s 264-page, 27-chapter autobiography titled ‘Call of Duty,’ obtained by our correspondent at the public presentation of the book at the Aso Rock Villa, Abuja.

The presentation was held to mark the former Head of State’s 84th birthday and was attended by President Bola Tinubu, who was represented by Vice President Kashim Shettima as the special guest of honour.

Describing the encounter, Adulsalami wrote that Obasanjo came to him with two issues after his release: his intention to sue the government and the invitation from the Peoples Democratic Party to contest the presidency.

“I was forthright with him. One, I advised him that he should not take the government to court because it might not augur well.

“For one, he would not know how long it would take the court to give judgment. I told him that, as a government, we would try to see what could be done about his business in the form of compensation.

“The court process was uncertain, I told him. I tried to dissuade him from pursuing the litigation option, and he agreed with me,” he wrote.

Abdulsalami continued, “On the invitation by the PDP that he should run in the presidential race, I advised him to return home and thank God that he was still alive after all he had gone through in four years. I told him point-blank that he should forget about contesting to be President.

“He took a deep sigh and said he was going to think about it and revert. He never got back to me. He can confirm this encounter.”

The former head of state argued that the fact that Obasanjo ultimately contested and won the election should not be taken as evidence that his administration was behind the candidacy.

“I tell people till today that my administration had nothing to do with the presidential ambition of General Obasanjo.

“It may be hard to believe, but we did not endorse him, and we did not work for him. It was a conjecture.

“As I have said several times, as a government, we decided to release all political prisoners. We did not pick and choose. We did not single any individual out for favour. General Obasanjo was one of those prisoners who regained freedom,” he stated.

According to him, “Some said because we granted him a pardon, which allowed him to run for office, that meant we were working for him.

“But we released and pardoned scores of political prisoners. It was because General Obasanjo ended up as the President that people overlooked the other prisoners that were pardoned as well.”

Abdulsalami also acknowledged that there were reports of retired Generals working behind the scenes to persuade Obasanjo to run, believing he could unite Nigerians at that critical moment. But he distanced himself and his government from those efforts.

“There were reports that some retired Generals worked behind the scenes to persuade General Obasanjo to run because they believed he was the one who could unite Nigerians at that critical time, given his experience, network and knowledge.

“I read the reports, too. I was also aware of efforts made by some people to ensure that somebody who was nationally acceptable was elected as President.

“Those were private initiatives and had nothing to do with our government or me,” he wrote.

In the chapter, Abdulsalami also gave an account of how he deliberately bent the electoral rules to ensure the Alliance for Democracy, the party formed by NADECO and the Afenifere Yoruba socio-cultural organisation, was registered as a political party, even though it failed to meet the criteria his administration had set.

He said that by the criteria for party registration, which required presence in two-thirds of the 36 states, legal registration, offices in the FCT and state capitals, and a constitution, the Peoples Democratic Party and the All Peoples Party were clearly the top two, while the AD could realistically only win the six south-western states.

He said, “We had to apply some wisdom and flexibility. As projected, the AD eventually didn’t meet the criteria for the registration of political parties. We tinkered with the rules and said any party that came third would be registered. That was how AD scaled through.

“We did not want to create a system in which the South-West would feel marginalised. Whatever decision we took was for the peace and progress of the country. If tinkering with the rule we made ourselves would give respite to Nigerians, why not?

“The rules were made by humans and for humans. The idea was to give peace a chance and to ensure that there was equity and justice.”

Abdulsalami also explained why Nigeria’s return to civilian rule came in May 1999 rather than October 1998, the date Abacha had announced before his death.

He said the October date was never feasible, as his administration scrapped Abacha’s entire transition programme as lacking credibility, adding that May 1999 was ultimately determined not by political calculation but by a request from the judiciary.

According to him, “My first suggestion was that we should draw up a six-month transition plan. That would have seen us hand over to a democratically elected President by March 1999.

“However, when I called for a meeting with the military echelon and the judiciary, Justice Muhammadu Uwais, then Chief Justice of Nigeria, said he would need at least sixty days after the elections to ensure that all the judicial matters brought to the courts were dispensed with before inauguration.

“That was how we arrived at May 1999. It was a function of a judicial request and my desire to make the transition process as short as possible. Six months was the fastest we could do to organise elections and give the political parties the time to set up and prepare.”

He disclosed that he faced pressure from multiple directions not to hand over at all, including from some of his own military colleagues, from some West African Heads of State, from segments of the international community, and even from some NADECO members who felt they had been caught flat-footed by the speed of the transition and wanted more time.

“Initially, there was intense pressure from some of my colleagues, some Heads of State in the West African sub-region and some in the international community that it was too soon to transition to democracy.

“Surprisingly, there were pressures from some NADECO members too. Two to three months into my administration, some NADECO members realised that I was sincere about the handover date, and they saw themselves as short-changed because they were not politicking as they should have done.

“They felt they had missed the train and wanted to come on board, which made them request more time to get their act together,” he wrote.

He said when NADECO came to him requesting an extension, he turned the tables on them, demanding that they write a formal letter requesting the extension and call a press conference publicly endorsing the request, which they declined.

“I promised that if they did that, I would grant an extension. But they never did. I knew they wouldn’t. We went ahead with our programme,” Abdulsalami wrote.

He said some of his military colleagues were also hostile to handing over to civilians, but that he was personally unmoved by any temptation to stay.

“For me, I was not in any way tempted to stay longer in office. I had made up my mind. By the time I took over the reins of power, the country was on the edge.

“There was extreme pressure from NADECO, G-34, and other political players for the military to go.

“Nigeria was at a breaking point. The military needed to relinquish power,” he wrote.

On the eve of the May 29, 1999, handover, Abdulsalami said he slept soundly, noting that the only nights he had not slept since taking power were the first few nights.

“I slept well that night. I always slept well, apart from the day I assumed power when I didn’t sleep a wink for days.

“Thereafter, I always slept well, even though I worked round the clock at times. But that was a choice. I had no anxieties whatsoever on the eve of the handover. I had made up my mind to relinquish power within the shortest possible time, and I didn’t have any issues that I was about to leave power.

“Rather, I was happy that as much as possible, we had brought peace to the country and stabilised the military too,” he wrote.

He added that on the morning of May 29, 1999, he took Obasanjo on a familiarisation tour of the Presidential Villa, introduced him to staff, and, after the handover ceremony, drove back to Minna, his personal belongings having already been moved out a week earlier.

“As we drove through towns and villages, people gathered by the roadside to wave to us. It was quite a sight. I was a very happy man,” he wrote.

punch.ng

FOLLOW US ON:

FACEBOOK

TWITTER

PINTEREST

TIKTOK

YOUTUBE

LINKEDIN

INSTAGRAM