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Six legal hurdles before INEC ahead of 2027 elections

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Barely four months after the Independent National Electoral Commission unveiled its revised timetable and schedule of activities for the 2027 general elections, the electoral body has become embroiled in a wave of litigation that could reshape the country’s next electoral cycle.

Under the timetable released on February 26, political parties were required to submit their membership registers between March 24 and April 25, conclude their primaries by May 31, while the nomination portal for presidential and National Assembly candidates opened on June 27 and is scheduled to close on July 11.

Governorship and House of Assembly nomination forms are to be submitted between July 18 and August 8, while campaigns for the presidential and National Assembly elections are expected to commence on August 19.

INEC is scheduled to publish the final list of presidential and National Assembly candidates on September 12, ahead of the presidential and National Assembly elections on January 16, 2027, and the governorship and state Houses of Assembly polls on February 6, 2027.

However, even as those milestones unfold, at least six major cases involving INEC are pending before the Federal High Court and the Court of Appeal, challenging the commission’s powers, the validity of its election timetable and the legal status of some political parties.

The outcome of the cases is expected to determine not only the extent of INEC’s administrative powers under the Electoral Act but also which political parties eventually participate in the 2027 polls.

The PUNCH highlights the major cases.

  1. Youth Party challenges INEC’s timetable

The most significant of the suits is FHC/ABJ/CS/517/2026, filed by the Youth Party against INEC before the Federal High Court in Abuja.

The party challenged key provisions of INEC’s revised timetable, arguing that the commission lacked the legal authority to prescribe timelines that allegedly curtailed periods expressly guaranteed under the Electoral Act.

The suit specifically questioned deadlines relating to the submission of party membership registers, conduct of party primaries, submission of nomination forms, withdrawal and substitution of candidates, and publication of candidates’ particulars. It sought declarations that the disputed provisions were unlawful and orders restraining INEC from enforcing them.

In its judgment, the Federal High Court held that although INEC has constitutional powers to organise elections and issue guidelines, those powers cannot override or abridge timelines expressly prescribed by the Electoral Act. The court consequently nullified the portions of the revised timetable found to be inconsistent with the Act and restrained the commission from implementing them.

Dissatisfied with the decision, INEC appealed to the Court of Appeal, arguing that the trial court wrongly curtailed its constitutional and statutory powers to regulate electoral activities.

According to the commission, the election timetable is an integrated programme in which every stage—from submission of membership registers and conduct of primaries to nomination of candidates, campaigns and publication of final lists—is interconnected. It argued that removing isolated timelines would create uncertainty and disrupt preparations for the 2027 elections.

The appeal has been argued before the Court of Appeal, which has reserved judgment. A date for the judgment is yet to be announced.

The case is particularly significant because it directly affects the deadlines already prescribed for party primaries and the submission of nomination forms.

  1. SDP contests nomination deadlines

Another major challenge came in Suit No. FHC/ABJ/CS/720/2026, instituted by the Social Democratic Party against INEC.

Like the Youth Party, the SDP questioned aspects of the revised election timetable, particularly provisions relating to nomination and substitution of candidates.

The party contended that INEC’s administrative timelines conflicted with the Electoral Act and sought declarations nullifying the disputed provisions.

Although the Federal High Court affirmed INEC’s constitutional authority to issue an election timetable, it ruled that the commission could not lawfully alter statutory timelines relating to nomination and substitution of candidates. It consequently invalidated the affected portions of the timetable.

INEC appealed the judgment, maintaining that the trial court failed to appreciate the operational realities of election management and that every activity contained in the timetable was designed to ensure the orderly conduct of the elections.

The appeal has also been heard by the Court of Appeal, which reserved judgment after taking arguments from the parties.

The dispute remains significant as political parties continue submitting Forms EC9, EC9A, EC9B, EC9C, EC9D and EC9E through INEC’s nomination portal for presidential and National Assembly candidates.

  1. Appeal Court to settle INEC timetable dispute

The appeals arising from FHC/ABJ/CS/517/2026 and FHC/ABJ/CS/720/2026 have now become the most consequential pre-election litigation ahead of the 2027 polls.

In Suit No. FHC/ABJ/CS/517/2026, the Federal High Court in Abuja held that the Independent National Electoral Commission exceeded its statutory powers by shortening timelines prescribed under the Electoral Act, 2026, through its Revised Timetable and Schedule of Activities for the 2027 general elections.

The court nullified the affected provisions, holding that INEC could not abridge timelines relating to party primaries, submission of membership registers, nomination, withdrawal and substitution of candidates where they conflicted with the Act.

In Suit No. FHC/ABJ/CS/720/2026, the court affirmed INEC’s constitutional and statutory power to issue election timetables and regulate electoral activities. However, it ruled that such powers must be exercised within the confines of the Electoral Act.

While upholding INEC’s authority to fix timelines for party primaries and related activities, the court struck down aspects of the timetable concerning the nomination, withdrawal and substitution of candidates that were inconsistent with the Act.

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INEC is asking the Court of Appeal to set aside both judgments, insisting that the Federal High Court wrongly restricted powers vested in the commission by the Constitution and the Electoral Act.

The commission argued that electoral activities are sequential and cannot be isolated without creating uncertainty in the electoral process.

A decision by the appellate court is expected to determine the extent of INEC’s authority to prescribe administrative timelines beyond those expressly contained in the Electoral Act.

The judgment is expected before the electoral process progresses further into the campaign phase, making it one of the most anticipated election-related decisions ahead of 2027.

  1. Suit seeking deregistration of five political parties

Another politically significant case is FHC/ABJ/CS/2637/2026.

The Incorporated Trustees of the National Forum of Former Legislators instituted the suit against INEC, the African Democratic Congress, Accord, Action Alliance, Action People’s Party and Zenith Labour Party.

The plaintiff challenged the continued participation of the affected political parties in Nigeria’s electoral process and sought orders compelling INEC to deregister them.

The Federal High Court agreed with the plaintiff and ordered INEC to deregister the five political parties.

However, the judgment did not take immediate effect.

Following separate notices of appeal filed by the affected parties, the Court of Appeal granted a stay of execution of the judgment pending the determination of the appeals, effectively preserving the legal status of the parties until the dispute is finally resolved.

The interim order ensured that the parties remain in existence pending the determination of their appeals.

  1. Registration of NDC questioned

Another pending matter is Suit No. FHC/ABJ/CS/1115/2026.

The suit was filed by Ahidjo Ibrahim Karlahi against INEC and the Nigeria Democratic Congress.

The plaintiff is challenging the commission’s decision relating to the registration and recognition of the political party and is asking the court to determine whether the registration complied with the applicable constitutional and statutory provisions.

The case remains pending before the Federal High Court.

Its outcome could determine whether the NDC retains its legal status ahead of the conclusion of the nomination process and publication of the final list of candidates scheduled for September.

  1. ADC, Accord, others battle deregistration at Appeal Court

The Federal High Court’s judgment in FHC/ABJ/CS/2637/2026 did not end the controversy.

The African Democratic Congress, Accord, Action Alliance, Action People’s Party and Zenith Labour Party have approached the Court of Appeal seeking to overturn the judgment directing their deregistration.

INEC is one of the respondents in the appeals.

The parties are asking the appellate court to set aside the judgment of the Federal High Court, arguing that the trial judge erred in law by directing INEC to deregister them.

They contend that the decision was reached in error and have urged the appellate court to restore and preserve their legal status ahead of the 2027 general elections.

When the appeals came up before a three-member panel of the Court of Appeal, Abuja Division, on July 7, 2026, the court adjourned the matters till July 14, 2026, to enable parties regularise and exchange all relevant court processes.

The outcome of the appeals will determine whether the five parties remain eligible to sponsor candidates before INEC publishes the final list of presidential and National Assembly candidates on September 12, 2026, under the commission’s timetable.

Why cases matter

Collectively, the six cases have become the first major judicial test of preparations for the 2027 general elections.

Beyond determining the legality of INEC’s revised timetable, the courts are also being asked to pronounce on the scope of the commission’s constitutional powers and the continued participation of some political parties in Nigeria’s electoral process.

With party primaries concluded, the nomination process already underway, presidential campaigns scheduled to commence on August 19, and the presidential election fixed for January 16, 2027, legal observers say the decisions expected from the appellate courts could significantly influence the conduct of the elections and shape the legal framework within which political parties will contest power in 2027.

Lawyers react

A senior lawyer, Mike Ahamba, while addressing the cases challenging the legality of INEC’s review of the election timetable and timeline, said the appellate court would be aware of the timeline for delivering judgments, but declined to give any further comments on the matter.

“Well, the Court of Appeal has a constitutional period within which to review judgments. And the judgment will come before that time or before the election next year. But I want to say this: it is wrong for me to pre-empt the Court of Appeal. I want to wait for them to explain their opinion, and then I will know whether they are right or wrong,” Ahamba said.

Addressing the cases and appeals on parties’ deregistration, Bankole Akomolafe, SAN, said he didn’t believe the litigations would affect the INEC timetable or the conduct of the 2026 elections, noting that the electoral body had taken steps to preserve itself in the interim.

“I don’t think the judgment or litigation will affect the timetable of INEC in any way because INEC itself have taken adequate precaution. So, what they are doing at the moment, which I consider reasonable, is to put the names of all the parties and all the candidates that they sent to them, and put them on record, and play safe.

“So, if the judgment of the court comes out later, and they deregister any of them, or say, this or that party has no legitimacy to contest any election, then they just simply skip those during the general election. But it would not be that when that judgment comes out, the person, or party or candidate that was supposed to have been captured or put on record is not there, because that would nullify the whole of the election.

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“So, the wise thing to do, which I think INEC has acted wisely, is to register them in anticipation that all of them will pass. In this case, like I said the other time, one cannot say which party will scale the appeal,” he stated.

He further commended the intervention of the appellate court, noting that the court “acted rightly by ordering a stay of execution of that judgment, such that INEC could go on as if those parties are duly registered, pending the determination of the appeal.”

Addressing the matter of the registration of the NDC, the senior lawyer said the electoral body ought to have challenged the initial judgment that “decreed them into existence, stating that

“When you knew that they did not comply with the position of the constitution, why didn’t you challenge the judgment? It doesn’t matter that it was the court that decreed them into existence. You will obey first, but you complain later. I think INEC is afraid of the NDC because if it were a greater party, they would have contested it. But that’s my opinion,” he added.

INEC positive

INEC, however, gave the assurance that ongoing litigation involving political parties will not disrupt its preparations for forthcoming elections, insisting that it remains guided by its timetable while awaiting court decisions.

INEC National Commissioner, Mohammed Kudu Haruna, stated this in a telephone conversation with The PUNCH on Wednesday, explaining that the commission would continue with its electoral preparations as scheduled and would only take decisions based on the outcome of court judgments.

Haruna noted that party primaries had already concluded and political parties were now expected to submit the names of their candidates before the deadline.

He said, “Primaries have closed, it’s just for them (political parties) to submit the result of the primaries. Primaries ended on May 30th. There’s a deadline for the submission of names: July 11th. Today (Wednesday) is 8th, so there’s still at least three more days to go before the deadline for submission.”

Speaking on pending court cases involving some parties and if the decision of the court could cause a change in the election timetable, the INEC national commissioner expressed confidence that the judiciary would deliver judgments in good time to avoid any constitutional complications.

“It all depends. Of course, the judges have a responsibility, and they know what the timetable is saying and I’m sure they will make their judgments early enough so that it doesn’t cause any constitutional crisis. So it’s one way or the other, depending on what the courts say. Our own is to obey the court order,” he said.

Haruna stressed that INEC would not speculate on the possible implications of any court ruling and how it will affect the election date until the commission had formally received and examined the judgments.

“I can’t tell you that now because once we receive the judgement, we will have to study it and then the commission will sit and take a decision. One way or the other, I can’t just on my own, tell you that we decide this way or the other.

“So, the commission has to meet, consider the court judgment and then decide what is best,” he added.

Reaffirming the commission’s commitment to its electoral timetable, Haruna said ongoing legal disputes had not altered INEC’s preparations.

He said, “No, we are going ahead as if there was no judgment because you remember there is a stay on some of these. So, we are proceeding as if, according to our timetable. But when the courts make their judgments, it is after then that we will sit, discuss the judgment and see how to proceed.”

He maintained that while INEC remained bound by court orders, its preparations for the elections would continue uninterrupted unless the courts directed otherwise as the deadline for submission of nomination still remains July 11.

Experts express fears

Meanwhile, political scientists warned that unresolved court cases challenging the powers of INEC, the validity of its election timetable and the legal status of some political parties could undermine preparations for the 2027 general elections if not resolved before the polls.

The experts, who spoke with The PUNCH on Wednesday, said while litigants have the constitutional right to seek judicial interpretation of electoral laws, delayed resolution of the cases could create uncertainty for political parties, affect electoral planning and erode public confidence in the electoral process.

Their concerns come as at least six cases are pending before the Federal High Court and the Court of Appeal, with the outcomes expected to determine the scope of INEC’s administrative powers under the Electoral Act as well as the eligibility of some political parties to participate in the 2027 elections.

A Professor of Political Science at the University of Ilorin, Gbade Ojo, described the situation as a legitimate source of concern, saying preparations for the elections were already becoming “shaky.”

“It is a genuine fear on the part of many Nigerians that preparations for the 2027 elections are getting shaky,” he said.

According to him, the uncertainty is being driven more by political actors than by the electoral umpire.

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“Politicians have constituted themselves a serious block to INEC. INEC, as an institution and an umpire, is expected to act within the ambit of the law, but where politicians become reckless, or there are insufficient calculations before defecting from one party to another, it creates serious problems,” Ojo said.

He traced the current situation to internal crises within political parties, particularly the Peoples Democratic Party, as well as what he described as the absence of ideology among Nigerian politicians.

“The problem started with the crisis in the PDP. It was a self-inflicted crisis. One of the fundamental problems with our politicians is ideological fluidity. You see strange bedfellows sleeping on the same bed because there are no guiding principles,” he said.

The don noted that although INEC must intensify preparations for the elections, the commission’s ability to act was constrained by pending court cases.

“There is little INEC can do unless many of these cases are disposed of by the courts. We are waiting for the judiciary. If it will not truncate democracy, then it must deliver judgments at the right time so that political parties can prepare adequately for the elections,” he said.

Ojo expressed concern that, apart from the ruling All Progressives Congress, many political parties had yet to demonstrate serious preparedness for the 2027 elections.

“Aside from the All Progressives Congress, I do not see any other political party that is seriously preparing. Is the Peoples Democratic Party seriously preparing? Is the Labour Party seriously preparing? The African Democratic Congress has only just received judicial clearance to proceed, and nobody can say the experience of previous legal battles over political parties will not repeat itself,” he said.

He warned that fresh lawsuits filed close to the elections could slow Nigeria’s democratic process.

“A person can decide to go to court, and the court will listen. That puts a clog in the wheel of democratic progress,” he said.

While acknowledging that INEC had previously attracted criticism over attempts to deregister some political parties, Ojo maintained that the commission remained bound by judicial pronouncements.

“INEC has no choice other than to obey the law, especially judgments of competent courts,” he said.

Also speaking, a political activist at the Lagos State University, Prof Oluwafemi Obayori, said every case challenging the electoral process should be concluded well before the 2027 elections.

“If justice is to be done and we are committed to democracy, there is actually none of these cases that should remain unresolved before 2027 because they challenge the very basis of the electoral process,” he said.

Obayori noted that some of the pending cases questioned the legality of INEC’s election timetable, while others sought judicial interpretation on the participation of political parties.

“It is important that these cases are resolved before the elections because they affect the foundation of the electoral process itself. Contesting elections is not only about winning; it is also about providing Nigerians with democratic choices,” he said.

According to him, political parties play a critical role in deepening democracy by giving voters alternatives at national and sub-national levels.

“When political parties are registered and allowed to participate, they provide people with options. Those options are essential in every democracy,” he added.

Obayori also said public confidence in the electoral umpire could be weakened if legal disputes surrounding the elections remained unresolved.

“When people begin to express doubts about the credibility of the electoral body, it naturally becomes a source of concern,” he said.

Obayori, however, observed that election management institutions in Nigeria had historically faced allegations of political interference.

“Historically, it has always appeared that the party in power exerts considerable influence, even where due process is followed in appointing the electoral umpire. That perception alone affects public confidence,” he said.

He also stressed the need for the courts to determine whether INEC’s election timetable was consistent with the Electoral Act.

“If the timetable conflicts with the provisions of the Electoral Act, then that issue must be settled by the courts. You cannot commence an electoral process on a foundation that is later found to be inconsistent with the law,” he said.

The don cautioned that unresolved legal disputes could create avoidable complications as preparations for the elections gathered momentum.

“It is important that all these issues are laid to rest before the elections. Like previous elections, there are already many grey areas emerging, and those issues should be addressed before they become major problems,” he said.

Obayori also questioned the timing of some of the legal actions, particularly those relating to the registration of political parties.

“I did not expect issues surrounding party registration to arise this close to the elections. It reminds one of events preceding the June 12 election, when legal challenges became instruments for creating uncertainty. While people have the right to approach the courts, the timing of such actions is equally important,” he said.

He maintained that regardless of political interests, compliance with the Electoral Act must remain paramount.

“The provisions of the Electoral Act must be respected. They should supersede the desires of any political party, the electoral commission or any individual. Ultimately, it is the courts that must interpret the law,” Obayori added.

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Nigeria @66: No ambition worth setting Nigeria ablaze, Bamidele warns politicians

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The Senate Leader, Senator Opeyemi Bamidele, has warned politicians against inflammatory rhetoric and other actions that could threaten Nigeria’s peace ahead of the 2027 general elections.

Bamidele, who is also the Chairman of the South-West Caucus in the National Assembly, urged political parties and their candidates to conduct their campaigns peacefully and in accordance with the Electoral Act, 2026 and the 1999 Constitution, as amended.

The Ekiti lawmaker spoke in a statement issued in Abuja on Thursday to commemorate Nigeria’s 66th Independence Anniversary.

He acknowledged the right of political actors to exercise their political rights, but said such rights must be exercised within the confines of the law.

Bamidele warned that political freedom did not extend to hate speech, inflammatory comments or actions capable of triggering political unrest and ethno-religious violence before, during and after the elections.

He said, “The exercise of political rights at this defining moment should be guided by the rules of the electoral contest and not by the rules of the jungle. While every aspiration is legitimate in a democracy, it should be pursued with decorum, patriotism and utmost restraint.

“No ambition is worth setting the nation ablaze. As we mark our 66th anniversary of political freedom and prepare for the 2027 elections, political parties and their candidates must conduct their activities within the ambit of the law.

“Nigeria is our collective heritage. She is greater than the political ambition of any party or candidate. Our activities must be conducted to preserve our collective heritage and not destroy what we have sustainably built.

“As political parties and their candidates campaign across the states of the federation and unveil their agenda for the future of our fatherland, such an agenda must align with the wishes and aspirations of our founding fathers.”

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The Senate Leader’s warning comes as political parties and their candidates intensify preparations for the 2027 elections, with campaigns expected to dominate the political space in the months ahead.

The electioneering period has also been accompanied by reports of intimidation and the activities of political thugs in some parts of the country, raising concerns over the conduct of the elections.

Bamidele therefore urged political actors to prioritise national unity and democratic stability over personal and partisan ambitions.

He said Nigeria’s 66 years of independence should remind political leaders of the need to protect the country’s unity and democratic institutions as they seek electoral mandates.

Source: punchng.com

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Wike reveals he’ll resign if Tinubu loses FCT, Rivers in 2027, read details

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The Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Mr Nyesom Wike, has declared that he will step down from his cabinet position if President Bola Tinubu fails to secure victory in both the FCT and Rivers State in the 2027 presidential election.

Speaking during an engagement with leadership and members of the Apo Mechanics and Traders Association in Abuja, Wike stated that his continued tenure as a cabinet minister is directly tied to his ability to deliver political results for the President in his primary areas of influence.

In a statement issued on Wednesday by the Senior Special Assistant on Public Communication and Social Media to the minister, Lere Olayinka, Wike said that should the ruling party lose in the FCT and Rivers State at the presidential poll scheduled for January 16, 2027, he will formally tender his resignation the very next day.

“If I cannot deliver where I work, then I’m not worthy to be here,” Wike said, emphasising that his political mandate required concrete electoral success.

“If I lose FCT, I’m not supposed to be FCT Minister.

By January 17, 2027, I will announce my resignation as FCT Minister should the President lose in Rivers State and the FCT,” he added.

Outlining his political strategy for the territory, Wike revealed that the administration was building a multi-party coalition to secure victory across various elective offices in the FCT.

He explicitly endorsed candidates across legislative tiers while reiterating total support for the President’s re-election bid.

“Let us be clear on direction: for the Presidency, it is Bola Ahmed Tinubu! For the Senate, Philip Aduda is a man of the people, unlike those who only appear on television. The two House of Representatives candidates we are supporting are also here. They are former Area Council chairmen.

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“In the FCT, we are running a unified coalition across parties to deliver results.

“If I cannot deliver FCT as minister, then I am not qualified to hold this office. We have a firm agreement, and today is the final affirmation,” Wike said.

Source: punchng.com

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Gombe 2027: Pantami, Mailantarki, Garry enter fresh PDP ticket battle

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CHIMA AZUBUIKE examines the political dynamics surrounding the fresh Gombe State governorship primary holding Tuesday (today), which pits former minister Isa Pantami against Khamisu Mailantarki and Usman Garry

Today, former Minister of Communications and Digital Economy, Prof. Isa Pantami; businessman and politician Khamisu Mailantarki; and Usman Garry will again hit the field to battle for the Peoples Democratic Party governorship ticket in Gombe State for the 2027 election. The fresh governorship primary election complies with an order by the Federal High Court sitting in Gombe. The court, in a judgment on September 24, nullified the May 26 primary that produced Pantami, directing the PDP to conduct another exercise within 30 days, in compliance with its Constitution, guidelines and relevant electoral laws.

The judgment delivered by Justice Amina Mohammed followed a suit filed by Usman Garry, a PDP governorship aspirant, who challenged the process through which Pantami emerged as the party’s candidate. Garry objected to the affirmation of Pantami as the standard-bearer of the Abdulrahman Mohammed-led faction and eventually filed a suit against the former minister. Garry had asked the court to set aside Pantami’s emergence because the PDP did not conduct a valid governorship primary in accordance with its rules and applicable electoral laws.

The Federal High Court nullified the process that produced Pantami and ordered the PDP to conduct a fresh primary. The court found problems with the process that produced Pantami and directed the party to repeat the exercise in accordance with its guidelines and applicable electoral laws.

Before joining the PDP, the former minister had sought the governorship ticket of the All Progressives Congress. When the APC settled on Jamilu Gwamna as its consensus candidate, Pantami withdrew from the contest and subsequently moved to the PDP. His arrival immediately altered the calculations within the opposition party.

Pantami’s impending movement to the PDP circulated while Mailantarki, Saleh Abdulkadir, Garry and Monica Kaltho were preparing for the party’s governorship contest.

Pantami will again slug it out with other aspirants, Mailantarki and Garry, who reject the former minister’s entry into the governorship ticket race.

Between Pantami, Mailantarki, and Garry

Pantami enters Tuesday’s contest as a politician whose national profile gives the primary a significance beyond the ordinary competition for a party ticket. A former Director-General of the National Information Technology Development Agency and former minister, Pantami boasts supporters who argue that his experience, networks and resources make him capable of mounting a serious challenge against the APC candidate, Gwamna.

Mohammed Kudu, a PDP chieftain, dismissed the capacity of some of the other aspirants to confront the governing party, describing Mailantarki, Saleh Abdulkadir and Garry as weak to confront the APC candidate.

Kudu said, “Who among Khamisu Mailantarki, Saleh Abdulkadir, Garry Usman has what it takes to challenge the APC? We recognise that Jamilu Gwamna is grassroots; hence, the only person that can face him, man to man, is Malam (Ali Pantami). He has made money as former Minister of Communications and Digital Economy, and as former Director-General of NITDA and as a visiting lecturer. Maybe Saleh Abdulkadir, who seems genuine, but you know he is not as wealthy as he used to be.”

He added, “He (Ali Pantami) has the capacity to defeat Gwamna of APC in a fair contest because he has international connections and he has built enough capital in both human and other resources that translate into wealth. All that will count in the build-up to the election.”

Kudu’s comments reflect one side of the political argument surrounding the PDP contest: that the party needs a candidate with sufficient political, financial and organisational resources to confront the APC.

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But that argument is contested by opponents of Pantami’s emergence.

For them, the issue is not simply whether Pantami possesses the resources or profile to contest the 2027 election. They question the circumstances surrounding his entry into the PDP and his rapid movement from APC aspirant to PDP governorship candidate.

Dr Maryam Abubakar, a policy analyst, described what she called the “unprecedented desperation” surrounding Pantami’s political journey.

She said, “How can you once say politics is dirty, only for late President Muhammadu Buhari to appoint you from NITDA to cabinet minister, and you suddenly forget your sermons where you lashed politics and politicians.”

Abubakar also questioned Pantami’s relationship with the APC before his defection.

She said the former minister, despite developing an interest in politics, failed to support the governing party sufficiently.

“Even when his interest began to manifest, he refused to empower the party members or support the party to achieve its mandate in the state. Instead, we started hearing rumours that Malam (Ali Pantami) was funding African Democratic Congress in Gombe but refused to identify with them publicly because of court cases ADC faced and alleged possible witch-hunt by the anti-graft body,” she added.

“How can you contest this week in APC and next week become a PDP candidate? It’s the height of desperation. As a technocrat and Islamic scholar, we expected a new order in the way of doing things, not doing things like regular politicians who lack ideals and purpose. What was baffling was allowing yourself to be a product of a corrupt process.”

So, the PDP held the May 26 primary amid misgivings. The decision to challenge the primary was therefore not unexpected.

Gombe’s political landscape is shaped by local structures and established political networks, while national visibility and access to influential political actors can also affect a candidate’s campaign.

The PDP’s choice will therefore be watched beyond the immediate party contest.

The Gombe PDP primary has consequently evolved from an ordinary intra-party contest into a test of how political ambition, party organisation and electoral law intersect.

Today’s exercise is, therefore, a bid to correct issues of the past. The PDP is now conducting a new nomination process, creating a fresh opportunity for all three cleared aspirants.

Although Saleh Abdulkadir was prominent in the initial contest and was mentioned among those who challenged Pantami’s emergence, the PDP’s current list of cleared aspirants for Tuesday’s primary comprises Pantami, Mailantarki and Garry.

That means the field has narrowed considerably from the wider contest that preceded the May primary.

Abdulkadir’s absence from the fresh contest further concentrates the battle among three political camps.

For the PDP, this may make the primary easier to organise, but it does not necessarily make the political dispute less complicated.

The principal disagreement remains over the process that brought Pantami into the party’s nomination race and the question of whether the fresh exercise can finally settle the matter.

For Pantami, it provides the opportunity to seek a new mandate from the party after his first nomination was nullified.

For Mailantarki and Garry, it offers the opportunity to challenge Pantami through a fresh process in which they have been cleared to participate.

And for the PDP, it presents another opportunity to conduct a process that can withstand judicial scrutiny.

Circumventing legalities

The legal questions surrounding Tuesday’s contest became complicated on September 24 when the Supreme Court restored provisions of the Electoral Act 2026 dealing with party membership registers and the nomination of candidates. The apex court upheld the validity of Sections 77(5), 77(6), 77(7) and 84(2), reversing the earlier Court of Appeal position that had voided the provisions.

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Section 77(5) requires that persons eligible to vote at party primaries must have their names contained in the membership register submitted to the Independent National Electoral Commission within the prescribed period.

The controversy followed the timing of Pantami’s movement from the APC to the PDP.

According to the account supplied by Gombe public affairs commentator, Chika Udenkwo, Pantami left the APC on May 19, while the APC primary was held on May 21 and the PDP primary took place on May 26.

Udenkwo therefore argues that the key question is not simply whether Pantami defected from the APC before the PDP primary.

The more precise question, he says, is whether Pantami’s name appeared in the PDP membership register submitted to INEC within the statutory period applicable to the May 26 primary.

He said, “Pantami left the APC on May 19. The APC primary followed on May 21. And on May 26, Pantami emerged from the PDP primary.”

He added, “The question now is not simply whether he had left the APC before joining the PDP. The more precise question is this: Was Pantami’s name contained in the PDP membership register submitted to INEC within the statutory period applicable to the May 26 primary?”

According to Udenkwo, if May 26 is used as the reference date, the 21-day period would take the relevant deadline back to May 5.

“That makes the documentary evidence critical. Was Pantami already a PDP member by that date? Was his name on the register submitted to INEC? When exactly was that register submitted? And was the same register actually used for the May 26 primary?” he asked.

Those questions, however, must be distinguished from the legal effect of the September 24 Supreme Court judgment itself.

The Supreme Court’s ruling restored the provisions; it did not, by itself, pronounce on Pantami’s individual eligibility for Tuesday’s Gombe primary.

As today’s fresh primary holds, one of the questions includes whether the party has complied with the applicable requirements for the new primary, including membership records, notice, screening, participation and its own guidelines.

The membership-register question could nevertheless become significant if a litigant argues that an aspirant or delegate was not properly qualified under the restored provisions.

On the contention, Udenkwo argued, “A victory on Tuesday would give Pantami a fresh nomination, not a reliance on the May 26 exercise that has already been nullified.

“But that victory would still have to survive any subsequent legal challenge—one based on compliance with the Electoral Act, the PDP Constitution, the court’s order, and the applicable membership register.”

He added, “In other words: winning the primary and establishing the legal validity of the nomination are related—but distinct—questions. That reasoning also applies to Mailantarki and Garry.

“If either defeats Pantami, the resulting nomination would equally be subject to the statutory and party requirements governing the fresh primary.”

For Mailantarki and Garry, Tuesday’s contest is an opportunity to reset a process that both have spent months challenging.

Their opposition to Pantami’s emergence was not limited to political statements. Their objections eventually formed part of the litigation that produced the Federal High Court’s order for a fresh primary.

The two now have to shift from challenging the previous process to competing within the new one. That presents a different political calculation.

Instead of asking the court to remove Pantami from a ticket already produced by the party, they must now persuade delegates or eligible party members to choose either of them over the former minister.

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The question therefore becomes whether the legal challenge has translated into political momentum.

Mailantarki’s position has also been affected by the withdrawal of Kaltho, who had initially been part of the challenge before later aligning with Pantami.

Kaltho’s movement altered the political arithmetic around the opposition to Pantami, leaving Mailantarki, Garry and Abdulkadir among the figures challenging the earlier emergence.

Whether that change will have an effect on Tuesday’s voting remains a political question to be answered by the primary.

A primary under scrutiny

The September 29 exercise is also taking place under a level of scrutiny that the May primary did not successfully withstand.

The Supreme Court, in its judgment, restored statutory provisions concerning party membership registers and nomination procedures.

Political observers are consequently watching not only the outcome but the process.

Tuesday’s primary presents a credibility test for the PDP.

The party has already experienced the consequences of an internal nomination process that ended in litigation.

The Federal High Court’s order provides the party with an opportunity to correct the procedural issues that led to the nullification of the earlier exercise.

Udenkwo said, “The question becomes whether the PDP has complied with the requirements applicable to this fresh primary: the membership register, notice, screening, delegate participation, and the party’s own constitution and guidelines.”

He added, “And here, the Supreme Court’s ruling makes the membership register particularly significant. The law does not merely require a party to maintain a register. It requires that register to be submitted to INEC within the prescribed period—and it restricts participation in the primary to persons whose names appear in it.”

Today, the PDP will have to be able to demonstrate compliance with the court order and the applicable electoral framework.

The scrutiny will extend to the eligibility of delegates, the party’s register and the conduct of the exercise.

Udenkwo said, “The Supreme Court has now made the statutory validity of Sections 77 and 84 clear. What it has not done is determine the factual circumstances of every candidate or every primary conducted before its judgment.”

“That leaves room for litigation—where an aspirant believes a party failed to comply with the membership-register requirements or other statutory conditions,” he added.

For now, however, the PDP’s immediate responsibility is to conduct the fresh exercise ordered by the Federal High Court.

For Pantami, Tuesday offers a second opportunity to secure the party’s ticket through a fresh primary. For Mailantarki and Garry, it offers a second opportunity to challenge him directly rather than through the previous process. For the PDP, it offers the chance to close a chapter that has already generated substantial internal disagreement and legal action.

But whether Tuesday finally closes that chapter will depend not only on who wins, but on how the party conducts the exercise.

The 2027 question

Tuesday’s primary cannot be viewed entirely in isolation from the wider 2027 contest.

The APC has already positioned Jamilu Gwamna as its candidate.

The contest is therefore framed along the line of having a candidate that can challenge the APC in the general election.

For Kudu, Pantami’s national profile and network give him the capacity to confront Gwamna.

But the argument also exposes one of the central issues before PDP delegates: whether the choice of candidate should be determined primarily by political experience, organisational structure, personal resources, grassroots networks, national connections or some combination of these factors.

Source: punchng.com

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