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NNPC, NUPRC fear financial squeeze after Tinubu’s order

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Fresh questions, concerns, and uncertainty have deepened at the oil and gas agencies affected in the wake of President Bola Tinubu’s new executive order directing immediate reallocation of oil and gas revenues to the Federation Account for onward distribution among the three tiers of government.

The PUNCH gathered on Sunday that the directive, which effectively halts the retention of certain internally generated revenues by agencies in the sector, has sparked deep concerns within the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission, the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited, and the board and management of the Midstream and Downstream Gas Infrastructure Fund.

The uncertainty, according to industry operators and experts, centres on the absence of a clearly defined alternative funding model for the NUPRC to meet its statutory obligations following the reallocation of oil and gas royalties to the Federation Account.

They also rejected a possible solution of conventional budgetary funding and approval through the National Assembly, insisting that such a move would undermine NUPRC’s operational independence and efficiency.

They noted that relying on annual budget approvals and capital releases from the Ministry of Finance could expose the regulator to bureaucratic delays, political pressures, and funding uncertainties that may weaken its ability to carry out core oversight, monitoring, and enforcement functions in the upstream sector.

The sources also noted that questions persist over how the government intends to sustain and improve the country’s Reserve Replacement Ratio, particularly as the financing framework for frontier exploration activities remains unclear.

They added that the recent directive has created fresh ambiguity around the roles and operational scope of the Frontier Exploration Services and the Midstream and Downstream Gas Infrastructure Fund, amidst the country’s aim to increase crude production to about three million barrels per day by 2030 and attract fresh investments estimated at over $12bn annually.

At the NUPRC, two senior officials, who spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorised to comment publicly, argued that the statutory funding framework provided under the Petroleum Industry Act was deliberately designed to shield the commission from such constraints and ensure timely decision-making in a highly technical and sensitive industry.

Section 12 of the PIA 2021 empowers the commission to appoint staff and determine their terms and conditions of service, including remuneration, allowances, and benefits.

The Act mandates that these packages be designed to ensure the commission can recruit and retain highly skilled professional personnel, “and remuneration and allowances paid in the private sector in upstream petroleum operations to individuals with equivalent responsibilities, expertise, and skills.”

They lamented that the order may negatively impact the ability of the commission to perform these functions of matching salary payments to be competitive with international oil companies.

The PUNCH recalls that the commission paid about N88bn as salaries and allowances to its staff in 2024, while it also generated approximately N322.8bn in 2025 from the four per cent cost of collection, which serves as a major funding source for operations and welfare.

One top official said, “We are a government agency, and we have commenced implementation. But implementation does not remove the questions. An Act is an Act. The Petroleum Industry Act clearly provides for how the commission is funded, including the four per cent cost of collection. Can an Executive Order override an Act of the National Assembly?”

He continued, “The four per cent cost of collection is not a privilege; it is our statutory funding mechanism. That is what funds our operations, salaries, monitoring activities, field inspections, security logistics, and even staff welfare. Now that this has been directed to be paid straight into the Federation Account, what is the alternative source of funding for the commission?”

According to the official, the commission’s salary structure and welfare package were deliberately designed under the Petroleum Industry Act to be competitive with international oil companies in order to attract and retain top technical talent.

“Our Act says our remuneration should be competitive with the industry. If you take away the funding source and return us to envelope budgeting like conventional ministries and agencies, how do we maintain that standard? Are we now going to queue before the National Assembly every fiscal year to defend basic operational funds? That process is not only stressful, but it exposes a technical regulator to bureaucratic delays that can cripple efficiency,” the source stated.

Another senior source warned that funding uncertainty could have broader consequences beyond administrative inconvenience.

“When you weaken a regulator in a sector as sensitive as upstream oil and gas, you create room for compromise. If salaries are delayed or welfare is threatened, you increase the risk of sabotage. This sector is already exposed to oil theft and pipeline vandalism. Funding instability can translate into security implications. That is not something the country should take lightly,” the official said.

The source added, “We don’t even understand this executive order. It is a double-edged sword with two tails. On one hand, the frontier exploration fund is meant to de-risk the frontier to increase the reserves of the country. But since the beginning of the fund, it hasn’t been established 100 per cent and not fully executed.

“Now, it has been suspended, which brings us to those questions: what direction are we taking? How do we talk about additional reserves and derisk the frontier? So many questions to be answered.

“In terms of our operational funding, the NUPRC is the government regulator in the oil and gas industry, so whether the funding is there from its internally generated revenue or not, the government would have to find a way to fund it. That is one thing I know for sure. Your regulator is your eye in the industry, and without them, these little funds, what you are expecting, won’t be gotten. Everything will not go well. So the government will have to find an alternative, but what it is, we don’t know. Another question is how the government will derisk the frontier now, going forward,” the official queried.

NNPC shakes

It was further gathered that there are also concerns about how the directive could affect the long-term reform trajectory of the NNPC, especially as conversations around its potential listing on the stock exchange continue.

Questions have also arisen over the mechanics of the revenue reallocation, particularly regarding royalties, fees, and production-based payments, which often vary depending on crude type, production levels, and contractual terms.

Two NNPC senior officials warned that the new directive could significantly disrupt ongoing production sharing contract operations, affect staff deployment, and send negative signals to investors, particularly in the deepwater segment of Nigeria’s oil and gas industry.

One of the officials, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorised to speak publicly, said the order could weaken the company’s operational oversight over production sharing contracts and affect hundreds of personnel dedicated to such activities.

According to him, no fewer than 400 to 500 staff are dedicated on a daily basis to overseeing and managing PSC operations, including monitoring production, reviewing costs, and ensuring compliance across various deepwater assets.

He said, “It would affect us to a great extent because we have staff who are dedicated to these lines of activity. We have no fewer than 400 to 500 staff whose daily work is focused on production sharing contracts. These are professionals working on rigs, platforms, seismic operations, and cost monitoring. We are talking about personnel across 39 PSC sites, out of which 14 are producing, and about five major sites contribute nearly 80 per cent of output under these arrangements.”

According to him, the directive could disrupt the monitoring framework that ensures cost efficiency and transparency in deepwater operations.

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“It would impact us negatively. That is the truth. It is an extremely bad situation and not well thought out. I personally believe that the President was wrongly advised. The Petroleum Industry Act was crafted with deepwater assets development in mind. The idea was to create enabling laws that would attract investors. But this order is already sending a wrong signal to prospective investors. It shows that with just an executive order, a law can be changed overnight without a single debate.

“The new order says royalties and taxes should be remitted to the Federation Account Allocation Committee. But that is a wrong impression that has to be corrected. These monies have already been remitted to FAAC. But the point is that royalties are lifted as barrels and not given to you as cash. That is the way commercial contracts governing this arrangement are designed.

“Deep waters are governed by production sharing contracts. And that means we are sharing production, not cash; barrels of oil, cubic feet of gas. Each party is now expected to sell its barrels and get cash. So, the crude oil that represents royalties and taxes, the agreement signed between NNPC and international oil companies gives the right to take the barrels, sell them, and remit the money to FAAC. That is the clear situation of things, and it is what has been happening since 2022, after the PIA was signed in August 2021,” the source asserted.

The official explained that under existing commercial arrangements, royalties and taxes from PSC operations are remitted to the Federation Account through crude oil lifting rather than direct cash payments.

He warned that any attempt to change the process could create confusion and operational gaps.

“By the language used in the order, it appears there is an assumption that royalties and taxes are paid in cash. They are not. If this is changed, it means international oil companies would sell government crude and remit directly. That is practically impossible. NNPC represents the government as a concessionaire because a sovereign nation cannot enter commercial agreements directly. Our role is to midwife the process from seismic to production and ensure that costs are properly verified,” he said.

The source further expressed concerns about the implications for financing and existing obligations tied to crude-backed loans.

“Some of the production barrels are already tied to loan repayments. The current administration secured about $3.175bn in 2023 with crude as collateral. There are monthly remittance schedules to lenders covering both principal and interest. If all revenues are redirected without clarity, who will meet those obligations? This raises questions for lenders and could affect our ability to raise future capital for major projects,” he said.

He added that the directive could weaken investor confidence in Nigeria’s regulatory and fiscal stability.

“If investors see that agreements can be disrupted by policy shifts, they will hesitate. We are currently pursuing at least three deepwater developments. Some investors are already asking whether this signals instability in policy. This order could send the wrong message to the international community,” he stated.

The official called for broad stakeholder engagement, noting that industry players could help the government identify alternative revenue sources.

“The way forward is that the government should quickly call for a proper stakeholders engagement, whatever they have in mind, we can advise them well because I believe if the President understands this issue, he won’t sign. There should be a proper stakeholder engagement wherein we would explain these things. And if they feel we are not remitting all, the balances can be checked.

“We can even suggest how to increase revenue. If the government is in need of money, it can take from the exploration fund and use it. But the management fee should be coming to NNPC. That one should be left for the company to run its operations and the industry very well.

“As we speak, there are three deepwater developments that are being pursued aggressively. Some of those investors are already concerned, saying that the policies have changed. This order is only sending the wrong signal to the international community. It shows that with an order, the tax rate can be changed. Things are not done like that in this industry,” the source said.

However, another senior official of the company struck a more cautious and optimistic tone, saying the organisation remained stable and would adjust to the new fiscal framework.

The official added that the company was already reviewing its investment portfolio and project priorities in response to the new fiscal landscape, noting that capital allocation would be reassessed to align with evolving policy directives, operational efficiency, and long-term value optimisation.

“Our technical teams are currently assessing the fiscal implications, which is standard practice after any policy change. We do not anticipate any adverse impact on our operations or going concern status. NNPC remains a profitable and viable enterprise with diversified revenue streams and strong operational assets,” the second source said.

He added that production, gas processing, and ongoing projects would continue without disruption. “Operations are ongoing across the value chain. The directive affects remittance channels, but it does not halt production, suspend pipelines, or stop gas processing. Our teams remain focused on delivering the energy Nigeria needs,” the official said.

The official also noted that the company would review its capital allocation strategy and align its operations with the new policy direction. “Capital allocation follows established governance frameworks. Management will review our portfolio in light of the new fiscal landscape. Our strategic focus on cost efficiency, gas monetisation and portfolio optimisation remains intact,” the source said.

The source stressed that frontier exploration and gas development would remain central to Nigeria’s long-term energy security. “Frontier basins are still important. The funding mechanism may change, but NNPC will continue to provide technical expertise. Oil and gas remain central to our strategy, with gas monetisation as a priority,” the official added.

Beyond the oil sector regulators, the MDGIF is also expected to be significantly impacted, as it was created to support the development of critical gas infrastructure across the midstream and downstream segments of the value chain, with sources saying the fund is currently reviewing the implications of the directive on its revenue collection and remittance frameworks, although it has yet to issue an official position. The fund is led by its executive director, Oluwole Adama.

Marketers back Tinubu

Nevertheless, the Petroleum Products Retail Outlets Owners Association of Nigeria has commended the President for signing Executive Order No. 9 of 2026 on February 13, aimed at strengthening fiscal discipline and promoting transparency in the management of Nigeria’s oil and gas revenues.

In a statement signed by its National Public Relations Officer, Joseph Obele, PETROAN described the directive as a decisive and bold step toward enhancing accountability, eliminating revenue leakages, and reinforcing public confidence in the country’s petroleum sector.

Speaking further, the National President of PETROAN, Dr Billy Gillis-Harry, outlined the benefits of the order, emphasising its far-reaching impact on both governance and operational efficiency in the oil industry.

He said, “This Executive Order introduces enhanced revenue transparency. Centralised remittance of oil and gas revenues strengthens accountability and public oversight, ensuring that resources are properly managed. It will also improve fiscal stability by increasing predictable inflows to the Federation Account, thereby enhancing budget implementation and macroeconomic management.”

On the implications for the NNPC, Gillis-Harry noted, “The directive is expected to reposition NNPC as a truly commercial entity, focused on efficiency, profitability, and operational discipline. It is a courageous, reform-driven decision that aligns with global best practices in fiscal governance. By compelling NNPCL to remit revenues directly, the order reinforces the company’s transformation into a commercially disciplined national energy company.”

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Gillis-Harry also commended the Group Chief Executive Officer of NNPC, Bayo Ojulari, for his proactive efforts to revive the Port Harcourt Refining Company, particularly during recent engagement with a Chinese technical firm. He endorsed the proposal to adopt the Nigeria LNG Limited Bonny model for the refinery, stating:

“Adopting a commercially driven governance model similar to NLNG will enhance operational efficiency, transparency, and private-sector discipline. This approach will ensure the long-term productivity and viability of Nigeria’s refineries, strengthen energy security, and reduce dependence on imported fuel. Such reforms are essential for making the refineries globally competitive.”

Beyond fiscal and operational reform, PETROAN affirmed its readiness to collaborate with the Federal Government and regulatory institutions to protect jobs, ensure energy security, and promote long-term stability in the petroleum sector.

The Nigeria Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers has called on President Bola Tinubu to urgently convene a broad-based stakeholders’ meeting to clarify the details of the Executive Order he signed on Wednesday concerning the nation’s oil and gas industry.

The union said the directive has generated tension and uncertainty across the sector, with workers in upstream, midstream, and downstream operations concerned about potential effects on job security, labour agreements, and the implementation of the Petroleum Industry Act.

In a statement, NUPENG President Williams Akporeha said, “NUPENG wishes to call on President Bola Tinubu to urgently convene a stakeholders’ meeting to provide comprehensive clarification on the Executive Order. Petroleum workers across upstream, midstream, and downstream operations have expressed deep concern and anxiety over the content, intent, and implications of the directive.

“The absence of detailed public engagement has naturally generated tension within the sector and heightened restiveness among workers who want to understand how the new directive may affect their employment, welfare, and job security.”

The union stressed that Nigeria’s oil and gas industry is the backbone of the economy, contributing significantly to national revenue, foreign exchange earnings, and employment.

Akporeha highlighted the urgent need for clarity on the scope and objectives of the Executive Order, its implications for the PIA, and its impact on workers, labour agreements, and indigenous participation.

“Without proper consultation and explanation, misinterpretations of the Executive Order may spread across the industry, potentially destabilising operations and undermining industrial harmony that stakeholders have worked hard to sustain,” he warned.

NUPENG said a timely stakeholders’ meeting involving organised labour, regulatory agencies, operators, host community representatives, and other key actors would help address misconceptions, foster transparency, and restore confidence in government policy.

PENGASSAN rejects order

However, the union representing senior staff in the petroleum sector has violently rejected the order, with the President of the Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria, Festus Osifo, leading the opposition.

The union argues that the directive threatens staff welfare, operational autonomy, and the financial stability of key institutions, and has called for urgent consultations with the government to reconsider its implementation.

Reiterating its stance on Sunday, the acting General Secretary of PENGASSAN, Jerry Amah, reiterated the union’s commitment to sustained advocacy on sectoral issues. He said, “We will sustain our advocacy and also consult with other stakeholders and sister unions.”

The union has also called for an emergency National Executive Council meeting scheduled for Tuesday, purportedly to discuss the Executive Order and chart the next line of action.

Despite the concerns, sources confirmed that implementation has already begun, with revenues reportedly being channelled into designated Federation Account structures, including accounts monitored in collaboration with international financial institutions.

The Federal Government has warned that any breach of the directive would be considered a violation of a lawful Executive Order as well as constitutional fiscal provisions, underscoring the legal weight and binding nature of the policy.

According to a document signed by the Minister of State for Finance and Chairman of the Federation Account Allocation Committee, Dr. Doris Uzoka-Anite, the minister reminded the agencies of the federal government’s directive to cease deductions and off-budget retentions from petroleum revenues immediately.

Uzoka-Anite’s letter to the concerned agencies was titled: “Implementation of Presidential Executive Order on Safeguarding Federation Oil and Gas Revenues and Providing Regulatory Clarity- Immediate Remittance Directive and Retrospective Audit.”

The executive order reinforced Section 162 of the Constitution, requiring that all revenues accruing to the Federation be paid into the Federation Account without deduction. For state governments, the directive is seen as potentially beneficial, as it could increase allocations from the Federation Account Allocation Committee. However, at the agency level, apprehension remains palpable.

The PUNCH earlier reported that the federal, state, and local governments might receive additional revenue allocations of about N14.57tn following the recent Executive Order signed by President Bola Tinubu, directing that royalty oil, tax oil, profit oil, profit gas, and other revenues due to the federation under production sharing, profit sharing, and risk service contracts be paid directly into the Federation Account.

This was based on an analysis of revenue inflows in 2025, drawing on monthly earnings submitted to the Federation Account Allocation Committee and obtained by our correspondent.

As the implementation begins, attention is now shifting to the National Assembly, where the NUPRC and possibly other agencies are expected to make their case, in what could become a defining test of the balance between executive authority and statutory independence in Nigeria’s oil and gas sector.

Experts call for caution

The Chief Executive Officer of the Centre for the Promotion of Private Enterprise, Muda Yusuf,  lamented the impact of the order on both NNPC and NUPRC cash flow.

He raised concerns over the potential impact of the directive on the cash flow and operational stability of key institutions in the oil and gas sector, warning that the funding structure of both the NNPC and NUPRC must be handled carefully to avoid disruption.

Yusuf, speaking during a telephone conversation on Sunday, said the removal or reallocation of some revenue streams poses a major challenge, stressing that both agencies rely on predictable and independent funding to discharge their statutory responsibilities.

According to him, forcing the institutions to depend on the traditional federal budgetary process could weaken their efficiency and responsiveness.

He said, “This is another major issue. That’s why I was talking about the cash flow for NNPC and NUPRC. Because if you take away this revenue, how will they fund their operations, unless there are elements that have been left for them to utilise? Otherwise, if they have to go through the budget envelope system and for them to queue at the Ministry of Finance, it will just paralyse those institutions. That model cannot work for them. So we have to be careful how we manage this process, so that we don’t cripple the activities of both NUPRC and NNPC.”

He noted that if they are compelled to rely on the envelope system and bureaucratic approvals from the Ministry of Finance for routine and capital expenditure, it could significantly slow decision-making and paralyse critical operations in the sector.

He added that the transition must be managed in a seamless and structured manner to protect ongoing contractual obligations, vendor commitments, and regulatory activities.

Yusuf warned that both institutions are strategic to the economy and require credible, stable, and flexible funding mechanisms, arguing that they are not designed to operate within rigid public sector funding frameworks that many government agencies are already trying to move away from.

“Then a lot of them have ongoing contractual obligations. There must be a way to manage those things within a seamless transition framework. These institutions are critical to the economy. Their funding must be credible. They are not the kind of institutions that you would throw into the envelope system. That many institutions are trying to run away from,” he noted.

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On the legal debate surrounding the directive, the economist said there are constitutional arguments supporting the President’s powers, noting that the Constitution supersedes any Act of the National Assembly where conflicts arise. He expressed confidence that the executive and legislature could work together to amend relevant provisions of the Petroleum Industry Act to reflect the new policy direction if necessary.

He, however, emphasised that the most critical issue is ensuring uninterrupted operations and investor confidence in the oil and gas sector. Yusuf noted that beyond legal considerations, stakeholders are concerned about the signalling effect of the policy, particularly as the Petroleum Industry Act had previously been widely celebrated for improving transparency and stability.

He said the government must therefore balance reform with policy consistency to avoid creating uncertainty among investors and industry operators.

“Some people have also quoted the constitution that it empowers the president to make changes, and you know the constitution is superior to any act. If there is a conflict between the Constitution and any act. The constitution overrides it and takes precedence. There is also a cordial relationship between the national assembly and the executive. So I don’t think it would take them time to amend the act and let the PIA reflect this executive order. This issue can be easily managed,” he concluded.

Also speaking on the matter, Professor of Energy Law at the University of Lagos, Ayo Ayoade, cautioned the Federal Government against enforcing direct remittance policies in the petroleum sector through executive orders, warning that such moves could conflict with existing legislation, particularly the Petroleum Industry Act.

Ayoade said mandating non-statutory direct remittance of oil revenues raises legal and constitutional concerns because an executive order cannot override an Act of the National Assembly.

“Non-mandate direct remittance is a difficult one because it affects the Petroleum Industry Act,” he told The PUNCH. “As a lawyer, I would not want an executive order to override, amend, or modify an Act of national assent, because an Act created by national assent is superior to an executive order.”

He explained that under Nigeria’s constitutional framework, the executive arm is responsible for implementing laws rather than altering them. “If the executive executes, it does not make the law in general interpretable,” he said.

The energy law expert also addressed concerns about the potential impact of direct remittance rules on the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited, noting that the state oil firm has historically functioned more as a cost centre than a wealth-generating entity.

“I can see why NNPC might be upset because it has always been, even after the PIA, a cost centre,” he said. “They are less busy generating wealth than trying to manage what already exists.”

He argued that most upstream oil production activities are handled by international oil companies, while NNPC primarily manages proceeds and financial obligations. “Everything is done by the international oil companies, and they come in to hold funds and manage them,” he said, adding that reforms could force the company to become more financially independent.

According to him, limiting NNPC’s access to discretionary funds could help end the practice of sustaining loss-making assets, including state-owned refineries. “It is through this money that you see it keeps alive refineries that are effectively dead, spending billions of dollars on things that have no future,” he said. “If they didn’t have access to this money, would they be able to do this?”

However, Ayoade said implementing direct remittance is administratively complex because oil revenues are often received in kind rather than cash. “When you say all taxes should go directly to the treasury account, it is not that simple because the money is not actually cash,” he argued. “In production sharing contracts, what you have is oil, royalty oil, and profit oil, so someone still has to sell that oil.”

He noted that NNPC plays a key role as the concessionaire responsible for selling crude and remitting proceeds, making it difficult to bypass the company entirely. “Somebody must sell the oil, and NNPC is the concessionaire under the contract,” he stated.

The professor also warned that the company’s existing debt obligations further complicate any direct remittance arrangement. “NNPC borrows a lot of money on behalf of the government and pledges some of these barrels of oil to repay loans,” he said. “Who is going to pay back all these loans?”

He urged policymakers to proceed cautiously before implementing sweeping executive directives in the sector. “It is a complex issue, and the government should be very careful before rushing into putting these executive orders in place,” he said.

NRS position

The Executive Chairman of the Nigeria Revenue Service, Zacch Adedeji, has defended the Federal Government’s new tax framework, saying recent reforms were designed to eliminate “cost of collection” practices and strengthen transparency by routing all revenues through the national budget process.

Adedeji spoke while clarifying the rationale behind provisions in the new tax regime, particularly changes affecting regulatory agencies in the oil and gas sector.

He explained that the reforms became necessary after provisions in the law establishing the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission allowed the agency to collect certain taxes and retain a portion as collection costs.

“If you remember, at the beginning, one of the reasons we consolidated the law was because when the NUPRC law was put together, they included a provision that they should be collecting taxes; therefore, the royalty and the charge of four per cent,” he said.

According to him, the government moved to eliminate that model when harmonising tax laws, replacing it with a system that ensures agencies are funded through formal budgetary allocations rather than deductions from the revenues they collect.

“When we consolidated that, those costs of collection were removed,” Adedeji said. “What we were saying during the defence was that everything should go through the budget process. So instead of the cost of collection, what we now have is the cost of operation.”

He stressed that funding regulatory bodies is the responsibility of the government and should not depend on how much revenue they collect.

“It is the duty of the government to fund its agencies,” he said, drawing a comparison with law enforcement institutions. “What about the police that don’t collect anything? They are law enforcement agents. Should we now say their funding should depend on the number of criminals they arrest?”

Adedeji noted that the policy shift is intended to ensure regulators focus on their core mandates rather than revenue retention. “That is what we are trying to do, to make sure regulatory bodies focus on their agencies. So there is no cost of collection,” he said.

He also sought to clarify what he described as a widespread misconception about the role of the revenue service, stressing that it does not generate income for the government but merely collects what is due.

“I correct people when they say we are a revenue-generating agency,” he said. “I don’t generate any revenue in the Nigeria Revenue Service. I only collect revenue. I’m a revenue-collecting agency, not a revenue generator.”

Adedeji added that revenue creation lies with economic actors and productive sectors, not tax authorities. “I’m not the NNPC, I’m not the Central Bank. I don’t produce anything. My job is to ensure that those who do business pay what they owe,” he said.

The reforms are part of broader efforts by the Federal Government to streamline tax administration, reduce duplication across agencies, and improve accountability in public revenue management.

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FG to end regulated gas pricing in 2028

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Nigeria is set to end regulated pricing in the domestic gas market by September 24, 2028, as the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority targets a transition to a fully established willing-buyer, willing-seller framework.

The Chief Executive of NMDPRA, Rabiu Umar, disclosed this on Thursday at the Gas Market Maturity Workshop organised under the Decade of Gas initiative at the Petroleum Technology Development Fund, Abuja.

Umar said the transition would be based on measurable conditions that demonstrate the maturity of different segments of the gas market, in line with the provisions of the Petroleum Industry Act.

“Gas must be affordable for Nigerians while supporting President Ahmed Tinubu’s investment reforms. This transition is in line with the Nigeria decade of gas goal to become a gas-powered economy by 2030,” he stated.

He said the PIA envisaged a shift from a market largely coordinated through regulation to one driven increasingly by commercial contracts between willing buyers and willing sellers.

“Invariably, this is the first time that we have been bold enough to set a clear target for our gas market transition,” he noted.

According to Umar, the authority was targeting a 24-month period to establish the conditions required to declare the market a fully functioning willing-buyer, willing-seller market.

“The journey we are starting should lead us to a place where we should target a 24-month at best period within which we will be able to declare the market to be truly a willing-buyer, willing-seller market.”

He stressed that the transition must not be based on broad statements of intent but on clearly defined indicators, thresholds and safeguards.

Umar identified supply availability and diversity, the number and quality of buyers and sellers, access to transportation infrastructure, strength of contracts, payment reliability, delivery obligations, market information and credible price signals as key indicators of market maturity.

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The NMDPRA boss, however, said Nigeria’s domestic gas supply remained tight despite the country’s vast gas resources, stressing that infrastructure development must be matched by sufficient gas molecules to utilise the infrastructure.

“If you look at supply, for example, on the domestic side, it is still tight, no matter how you look at it. We have a lot of work to do in our infrastructure space,” he said. “The focus right now is not just delivering the infrastructure, but ensuring that we have enough molecules to fill the pipeline,” he added.

Umar specifically stressed the need to ensure that major gas infrastructure projects, including the Ajaokuta-Kaduna-Kano pipeline, had sufficient gas supply to make them commercially useful.

He said the role of the regulator would also evolve as the market developed, with greater emphasis on establishing market rules, ensuring fair access, protecting competition and monitoring market conduct.

The NMDPRA chief executive disclosed that the authority had commenced consultations on draft regulations on anti-competitive practices, aimed at translating the competition provisions of the PIA into enforceable regulatory rules.

He also called for a realistic assessment of the different segments of the Nigerian gas market, noting that they were at different stages of development.

According to him, the sequencing of the transition would require determining which market segments were ready to move first, the thresholds they must meet and the safeguards required before liberalisation.

Umar further disclosed that the authority was nearing the conclusion of the process for the issuance of gas distribution licences, with the exercise expected to be completed in the coming weeks.

He said qualified companies would be issued gas distribution licences in the fourth quarter of 2026.

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The NMDPRA boss also said the authority was working to deepen domestic utilisation of liquefied petroleum gas and liquefied natural gas, stressing that increased domestic utilisation of the country’s gas resources would be an important indicator of economic growth.

He said the government was also seeking to expand the use of compressed natural gas, while several LNG and gas-to-power projects were being developed across the country.

According to him, greater domestic gas utilisation could support power generation, reduce dependence on imports and minimise transmission losses associated with moving electricity over long distances.

He added that the authority was committed to creating a predictable, coherent and transparent regulatory environment capable of attracting long-term investment into the gas sector.

Umar said gas projects required substantial upfront investment and long-term contracts before investors and financiers could commit capital.

“For you to take an FID in a gas investment, you need to have a long-term contract,” he said, adding that the authority was willing to engage with individual projects to identify regulatory measures that could support their development.

Also speaking, the Coordinating Director of the Decade of Gas Secretariat, Ed Ubong, said Nigeria could achieve a willing-buyer, willing-seller gas market before the end of the first horizon of the Decade of Gas programme in 2030.

Ubong said the programme had identified clear markers for achieving the target, including increasing gas supply to 12.6 billion cubic feet per day by 2030.

He said 16 key infrastructure projects were expected to support the growth of the gas market, while more than 60 projects capable of creating about 15 billion cubic feet per day of gas demand had been identified on the demand side.

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He noted that a mature gas market would also require the development of a successful gas-to-power market and greater access to cooking gas.

In her speech, the President of the Nigerian Gas Association, Engr. Mrs Yetunde Taiwo, said the transition to a willing-buyer, willing-seller market must be driven by clearly defined milestones.

Taiwo said the NGA had consistently advocated for a commercially driven gas market but stressed that the transition must be properly sequenced to avoid moving either prematurely or too slowly.

“As NGA, what we would like to see really is to see those goalposts, those milestones that have been set, that makes it a realistic journey for us to say we have achieved a willing buyer, willing seller status.”

According to her, Nigeria had made significant progress in the gas industry over the past decade, but substantial work remained to be done.

She called for stronger collaboration between government, regulators and industry, with government providing clear policy direction, regulators establishing predictable rules, and industry continuing to invest, innovate and execute projects.

Taiwo said the ultimate objective should be a gas market capable of attracting investment, encouraging greater participation and delivering reliable gas to industries, businesses and consumers.

Source: punchng.com

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State police will tackle food inflation – Lagos Food Bank founder reveals

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Founder/Executive Director of Lagos Food Bank Initiative, Dr Michael Sunbola, tells FELIX OLOYEDE how the not-for-profit organisation is helping Lagos residents overcome hunger

What inspired the Green Harvest Agri-food Initiative?

Green Harvest, of course, is an additional layer of the solution to hunger and malnutrition in Nigeria. On the broad spectrum, I’ve had a journey of being a humanitarian and a food system activist. That journey spans over 10 years already. What brought me to the development and humanitarian space still boils down to my childhood experience. And, of course, experiencing food insecurity, going to school, and not having lunch in school. And, of course, that kind of had an impact. In the sense that I was not interested in school; I felt I should be somewhere else rather than school. And I look at what impact that might actually be having on several families right now, several children. And, of course, that gave birth to the Lagos Food Bank, which then translated into serving families. And thereafter, the Green Harvest Agri-Food Initiative started to create a more sustainable pathway for beneficiaries to fend for themselves. Because we realise that the truth is we cannot distribute our way out of hunger. There has to be a more sustainable pathway for beneficiaries to fend for themselves, earn a decent income, become more economically viable, and grow healthy food by themselves while improving their income. So, that is what Green Harvest is about. I must also mention that Green Harvest focuses on curbing food waste.

Through the Agricultural Recovery Programme under Green Harvest, we partner with local farmers to recover surplus post-harvest produce. And then we, of course, have that redistributed to beneficiaries who are mostly in need of their daily meals. So instead of having a whole lot of food go to waste on the farms, what we do is partner with these local farmers and recover surpluses from them.

Do the farmers from whom you collect waste give it to you for free, or do you pay them?

We collect these items from them for a stipend. For instance, they might have sold a bunch of farm produce for maybe N500,000, and we pay them N50,000. Because instead of it going to waste, they could use that money to buy seedlings. So, it’s a stipend. It can’t be compared to the value. But if they don’t even get that, the entire produce goes to waste.

We see it as a way of supporting the farmers. So at least, it won’t be a total loss for them.

So, they can still buy seedlings; they can still do some basic things while we capture the rest and redistribute them.

How does this initiative plug into the initial objectives you had when you started the Lagos Food Bank 10 years ago?

The Green Harvest Agri-food initiative is the future of what we are doing at the Lagos Food Bank. Because we are now looking at food production, we are looking at empowerment for beneficiaries and getting them out of the hunger line. We are looking at also using the initiative to empower more families on a large scale. Also going to large-scale food production. So, most of what we are doing currently, while we understand it, still kind of focuses on interventions that are more into consumption. This focuses more on production, covering food waste and empowerment. We are also looking at smart agriculture. And some other innovations that are still coming in agriculture, like the Black Soldier Fly and all of that. All of it comes under Green Harvest Africa, Green Harvest Agri-Food Initiative.

In the short term, like five years, how much are you thinking of investing in this initiative?

In the next five years, I might not be able to give a specific figure for what would go into an investment. Because it is not a limited liability company, it is still a non-profit. But in terms of investment, we are still looking at how we are going to work with other development partners and how they can plug into investing. We might not be able to project value accurately, but we know we’ll be working with a lot of development partners.

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What size of farm are you targeting?

We, of course, are looking at having farms. Right now, we are starting in the South-West.

Oyo State, Ogun State and the like. And the idea is for us to kind of control the supply chain for Lagos Food Bank. And we call that backward integration, where instead of getting some of this food, buying it, we could actually be producing it and then also serving it. It’s more like an initiative that helps us control our supply chain and helps improve income for beneficiaries. Because we are controlling our own supply chain through backward integration, we are also going to work with beneficiaries to empower them to grow their own food through backyard farming. There’s one for Lagos Food Bank, and there’s one for beneficiaries, like decentralised kind of farming where beneficiaries have their own farm in their backyards. It’s all part of the Green Harvest Aagri-food Initiative.

The United Nations, one of its agencies, said about 35 million Nigerians are facing hunger. What do you think is responsible for this large number of hungry people in the country? And how do you think we can tackle it holistically?

Hunger in Nigeria is widespread. It boils down to economic policies, the high cost of living, and the cost of fuel and other essential commodities. And when people can barely earn enough to make a living and sustain themselves, it, of course, leads to hunger and poverty. The NBS report, I think in 2023 or 2024, corroborates the fact that more than 60 per cent of our population are multidimensionally poor. Poverty breeds hunger and hunger breeds malnutrition.

I know there are short-term plans and there are long-term plans. We still have to look, in the short term, at how we can create more economic opportunities for people to earn a decent living. And how can the government look at some of its policies that would, of course, have a long-term impact on reducing the economic burden on the average person? And then we need to invest more in agriculture. We need to look at opening the borders, reducing the cost of food, and empowering more farmers to produce more food. It’s a matter of demand and supply. Food inflation is around 25 per cent or so. And we have the overall food inflation and headline inflation basically. So, if we are looking at all of this put together, they are major drivers of the high cost of food basically. Food prices should be reduced so the average person can afford food and, of course, eat decently and nutritiously.

The Family Farming Programme, under the Green Harvest Agri-food Initiative, focuses on training households in farming techniques. What successes have you recorded so far?

So far, we’ve empowered close to 6,000 families, women and youth. Families or households? Women, basically women and youth.  Because women, of course, empower the family. They produce and help the families in the long run. We’ve done direct beneficiaries over 6,000. And as we speak, they have their farms in their backyards; they have livestock; they are growing vegetables. But mainly, much of the income they make comes from livestock. Chickens, snails and the impact of our backyard farming is widespread as we speak.

And we are able to partner with a number of corporate organisations and institutional developments and institutions as well to kind of scale the Backyard Farming Programme. This is one of the most impactful programmes we currently run under the Green Harvest Agri-Food Initiative. And of course, you can look it up where you see the impacts are there.

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The country still faces high post-harvest loss. How is the Agricultural Recovery Company of the Green Harvest working to rescue these losses?

So, essentially, we work with local farmers, smallholder farmers. And we also work with large-scale commercial farms to recover their surpluses, to cut food waste and to reduce the impact of the amount of food that goes into landfills. This, of course, drives climate change. But the most important thing is: how do we reduce food waste across the entire agricultural value chain? From the farmers, from the food processing companies, or from the entire value chain, basically. Food loss and waste happen across the value chain. And what we do is we partner with these farms. They call us, “We have excess; come and pick it up.” We do the cleaning, we do the harvesting, we do everything. Because we have the manpower to work with over 45,000 volunteers to achieve some of these recoveries from the farms.

We also work with corporates in large-scale food processing. They also call on us, and we can recover a lot of kilos.

Like last year, can you give me a figure of tonnes of food you were able to recover through this initiative?

Last year, working across the entire value chain with farmers and food processing companies, we were able to recover at least 45,000 kg. Yeah. No, kg. Could you convert this to tonnes and let’s see what we have? 45, to be small.

What is the black soldier fly all about?

Black soldier fly farming helps convert organic waste into livestock feed, using one of the most innovative agricultural practices. And working with smallholder farmers to support them with livestock feed. For us, it is still in the early stages. In the next two to three years, we ought to have scaled this black soldier fly farming so we can produce more livestock feed and convert more organic waste, helping farmers with livestock feed.

You once said there is a need for government to give tax incentives to corporates who support food, who make food available for people. Why do you think government should give incentive to them?

What the government can do basically is to provide as much incentive for corporates who have taken it upon themselves to provide through their corporate social responsibilities, some form of support for vulnerable people. And the way it is done in other climes, when the corporate organisations put their resources together, they get incentive, they get tax returns, and such support is not treated as an income or expense, and you don’t tax expenses. But here, a whole lot of corporates that still do corporate social responsibility, they struggle to get such incentive from the government and tax bodies do not exempt that expense. So, if it’s not exempted, it’s part of profit which will be taxed. But if it’s an exempted expense, then it will not be, that way, they can get their returns. They won’t bear the burden.

So, that is even the least we’re expecting that the government could do or work with an organisation like ours to give such relief or exemptions to corporates that are supporting. But just to kind of give a bit of context to what I said earlier, the government creates the enabling environment; it creates support for farmers; it creates economic opportunities for people to fend for themselves. And then gives enough incentive to those who support.

How is insecurity threatening some of your agricultural initiatives?

It means that our current production cannot meet the demands of our population. So, what that implies is that it becomes a major driver of high food costs or food inflation. Because I think our issue here in Nigeria is kind of complex, in the sense that we are not just looking at how to increase yields or farmers’ production; we are dealing with a calculated effort as a result of insecurity towards farmers. When they attack farmers, they are not just afraid to go to the farm; production drops, and demand rises. So, it’s a major driver, and I believe one of the things I feel I think is high time the government implement is the state police. They’ve been on it for more than, for over a decade; in fact, more than two decades. The conversation around state police, I think, is that it’s high time it should be implemented.

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It was part of the current government’s campaign promises, and I think we are overripe for it. Honestly, state police should be implemented and fully actioned so that people’s lives, property and farmers can be protected across borders. And the state should take responsibility for its security.

So, you are saying that state police will help curb insecurity among farmers?

Yes. There’s nothing the Federal Government has done unilaterally that it does as efficiently as it does when it is decentralised. Look at NITEL, look at electricity, etc. If it’s centralised, they don’t have the bandwidth to carry it because of our population. The same point applies to the police. Decentralise it; let the state take responsibility, and that will reduce and depopulate what we have on the exclusive legislative list and move it more to the concurrent list. Let the state take responsibility; let the Federal Government take responsibility. And then decentralise it; the effort is better felt that way.

What are the biggest opportunities and challenges for scaling up Green Harvest Agri-food Initiative nationwide?

The biggest opportunity for us still remains the partnerships we could leverage to scale our intervention across the country. The number of partnerships and how many, of course, people come on board, because we are not a business. We are a non-profit, so the only way we can scale is through partnerships, and because many people still need this empowerment and intervention, and the amount of food that still goes to waste across the entire value chain is massive. So, the opportunities are there.

What are the challenges?

The challenges are mainly limited funding, which still holds back how far we can go. As a non-profit, we can only work with partnerships. If there are no partnerships, there is limited funding. There is no funding, there is no impact. And another challenge could possibly be the fact that if we tend to kind of scale, if the issue of security is not addressed, we are still challenged in that; we are still in that particular pool of challenges that other farmers are facing.

How much support do you get from the government?

Currently, what we are doing is 100 per cent private-sector-driven. The government provides us much more support, but not in any financial terms. And to an extent, maybe personnel support. But finances, I can say categorically, not for now, but we are not foreclosing the possibility of working with the government in the future.

We believe we complement the government’s efforts to bring relief to people. And at the right time, we feel that if the government deems it fits, I think we should come on board. Of course, we have built enough capacity to help the government address the immediate and long-term needs of those in the line of work.

What is your vision for the Green Harvest Agri-food Initiative over the next decade?

Food production, empowerment on a large scale. So, we are looking at having at least a presence in all 36 states in Nigeria. And not just serving people directly, but empowering them and creating economic opportunities for families, for farmers. We also want to become a major player in Nigeria’s entire food system and ecosystem. We also want to be a major player in food production and humanitarian relief.

Source: punchng.com

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FG targets $1.2bn private funding for fibre project

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The Federal Government is seeking about $1.2bn in private capital for its planned 90,000-kilometre nationwide fibre network, as the project moves towards physical deployment in October with a newly incorporated company set up to drive its implementation.

Official records from the government and global financial institutions reviewed by The PUNCH show that $800m of the estimated $2bn cost of the Federal Government’s planned fibre network has so far been covered by sovereign financing commitments, leaving about $1.2bn of the project cost outstanding.

The $800m comprises a $500m World Bank facility approved in October 2025, a $100m loan from the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development approved in February 2026, and a $200m African Development Bank loan approved in April, the records show.

The private capital is not a funding requirement that must be met before implementation can start. Rather, it forms the larger remaining portion of the project’s estimated $2bn capital envelope, which the Minister of Communications, Innovation and Digital Economy, Bosun Tijani, pitched in 2024.

Strategic Communications Adviser to the Minister, Osibo Imhoitsike, told The PUNCH that Project BRIDGE had attracted substantial support from international development finance institutions and private-sector mobilisation through the transaction structure.

He confirmed that the sovereign financing secured to date included $500m from the World Bank, $200m from the African Development Bank and $100m from the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development. The European Union also provided a €22m grant for Project BRIDGE.

“The government has received a significant private sector investment offer as part of the PPP structure, and that process is currently being concluded,” Imhoitsike said.

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The minister, Tijani, confirmed in August that physical rollout was expected to begin in October. The October date follows the incorporation of Bridge Open Access, or Bridge OA, in August as the special-purpose vehicle for the project.

“The establishment of the company signalled that the project was moving into its implementation phase, with the industry now expecting the October rollout,” Telecom consultant Ejike Onyeaso told The PUNCH.

“The industry is really looking forward to that because it will help reduce costs for not just mobile network operators but also internet service providers that rely on fibre, particularly in the hinterlands and underserved areas.”

In March 2025, his ministry formally opened an investor consultation process, inviting private-sector players to express interest in the Special Purpose Vehicle for the rollout under a public-private partnership model.

In April 2026, Tijani stated, “We’re now mobilising the private sector to plug the remaining gap,” after noting that over $800m had been raised from the government and World Bank for the project. The project is designed to take the national network from the current 35,000km to roughly 125,000km.

The World Bank said the programme would help close the country’s digital divide by expanding affordable, high-speed broadband to communities that remain unserved or underserved.

“The BRIDGE project puts into action the bold and ambitious vision to unlock the potential of the digital economy in Nigeria, working alongside the private sector,” World Bank Country Director for Nigeria, Mathew Verghis, said.

“Access to fast and reliable internet will help to create more quality jobs for millions of Nigerians across all 774 LGAs in addition to improving the quality of essential services like education and healthcare.”

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Documents from the ministry show that investors are expected to hold a majority stake in Bridge OA, with equity ownership ranging from 51 per cent to 75 per cent and operational control of the company. The Federal Government, through the Ministry of Finance Incorporated, or MoFI, is expected to retain between 25 per cent and 49 per cent.

The structure is intended to bring private capital and operating expertise into a project in which the government is providing part of the financing while retaining a minority position.

Bridge OA will handle the financing and construction of the network and operate it as a wholesale open-access infrastructure company rather than a retail internet provider. It is expected to sell fibre capacity on equal and non-discriminatory terms to qualified operators, including telecommunications companies, internet service providers, banks and cloud providers, rather than directly serving end users.

The rollout had previously been targeted for the fourth quarter of 2025 or the first quarter of 2026, but large-scale construction was deferred as the government worked to establish the special-purpose vehicle, onboard private investors and complete the necessary procurement and implementation arrangements.

The project was initially expected to be implemented over about five years, with an initial target of roughly 30,000km in the first year before the pace increased as private capital and construction capacity were brought into the programme. Tijani has since revised the overall delivery period to three years, bringing forward the expected completion of the 90,000km network.

Source: punchng.com

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