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NNPC, NUPRC fear financial squeeze after Tinubu’s order

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Fresh questions, concerns, and uncertainty have deepened at the oil and gas agencies affected in the wake of President Bola Tinubu’s new executive order directing immediate reallocation of oil and gas revenues to the Federation Account for onward distribution among the three tiers of government.

The PUNCH gathered on Sunday that the directive, which effectively halts the retention of certain internally generated revenues by agencies in the sector, has sparked deep concerns within the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission, the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited, and the board and management of the Midstream and Downstream Gas Infrastructure Fund.

The uncertainty, according to industry operators and experts, centres on the absence of a clearly defined alternative funding model for the NUPRC to meet its statutory obligations following the reallocation of oil and gas royalties to the Federation Account.

They also rejected a possible solution of conventional budgetary funding and approval through the National Assembly, insisting that such a move would undermine NUPRC’s operational independence and efficiency.

They noted that relying on annual budget approvals and capital releases from the Ministry of Finance could expose the regulator to bureaucratic delays, political pressures, and funding uncertainties that may weaken its ability to carry out core oversight, monitoring, and enforcement functions in the upstream sector.

The sources also noted that questions persist over how the government intends to sustain and improve the country’s Reserve Replacement Ratio, particularly as the financing framework for frontier exploration activities remains unclear.

They added that the recent directive has created fresh ambiguity around the roles and operational scope of the Frontier Exploration Services and the Midstream and Downstream Gas Infrastructure Fund, amidst the country’s aim to increase crude production to about three million barrels per day by 2030 and attract fresh investments estimated at over $12bn annually.

At the NUPRC, two senior officials, who spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorised to comment publicly, argued that the statutory funding framework provided under the Petroleum Industry Act was deliberately designed to shield the commission from such constraints and ensure timely decision-making in a highly technical and sensitive industry.

Section 12 of the PIA 2021 empowers the commission to appoint staff and determine their terms and conditions of service, including remuneration, allowances, and benefits.

The Act mandates that these packages be designed to ensure the commission can recruit and retain highly skilled professional personnel, “and remuneration and allowances paid in the private sector in upstream petroleum operations to individuals with equivalent responsibilities, expertise, and skills.”

They lamented that the order may negatively impact the ability of the commission to perform these functions of matching salary payments to be competitive with international oil companies.

The PUNCH recalls that the commission paid about N88bn as salaries and allowances to its staff in 2024, while it also generated approximately N322.8bn in 2025 from the four per cent cost of collection, which serves as a major funding source for operations and welfare.

One top official said, “We are a government agency, and we have commenced implementation. But implementation does not remove the questions. An Act is an Act. The Petroleum Industry Act clearly provides for how the commission is funded, including the four per cent cost of collection. Can an Executive Order override an Act of the National Assembly?”

He continued, “The four per cent cost of collection is not a privilege; it is our statutory funding mechanism. That is what funds our operations, salaries, monitoring activities, field inspections, security logistics, and even staff welfare. Now that this has been directed to be paid straight into the Federation Account, what is the alternative source of funding for the commission?”

According to the official, the commission’s salary structure and welfare package were deliberately designed under the Petroleum Industry Act to be competitive with international oil companies in order to attract and retain top technical talent.

“Our Act says our remuneration should be competitive with the industry. If you take away the funding source and return us to envelope budgeting like conventional ministries and agencies, how do we maintain that standard? Are we now going to queue before the National Assembly every fiscal year to defend basic operational funds? That process is not only stressful, but it exposes a technical regulator to bureaucratic delays that can cripple efficiency,” the source stated.

Another senior source warned that funding uncertainty could have broader consequences beyond administrative inconvenience.

“When you weaken a regulator in a sector as sensitive as upstream oil and gas, you create room for compromise. If salaries are delayed or welfare is threatened, you increase the risk of sabotage. This sector is already exposed to oil theft and pipeline vandalism. Funding instability can translate into security implications. That is not something the country should take lightly,” the official said.

The source added, “We don’t even understand this executive order. It is a double-edged sword with two tails. On one hand, the frontier exploration fund is meant to de-risk the frontier to increase the reserves of the country. But since the beginning of the fund, it hasn’t been established 100 per cent and not fully executed.

“Now, it has been suspended, which brings us to those questions: what direction are we taking? How do we talk about additional reserves and derisk the frontier? So many questions to be answered.

“In terms of our operational funding, the NUPRC is the government regulator in the oil and gas industry, so whether the funding is there from its internally generated revenue or not, the government would have to find a way to fund it. That is one thing I know for sure. Your regulator is your eye in the industry, and without them, these little funds, what you are expecting, won’t be gotten. Everything will not go well. So the government will have to find an alternative, but what it is, we don’t know. Another question is how the government will derisk the frontier now, going forward,” the official queried.

NNPC shakes

It was further gathered that there are also concerns about how the directive could affect the long-term reform trajectory of the NNPC, especially as conversations around its potential listing on the stock exchange continue.

Questions have also arisen over the mechanics of the revenue reallocation, particularly regarding royalties, fees, and production-based payments, which often vary depending on crude type, production levels, and contractual terms.

Two NNPC senior officials warned that the new directive could significantly disrupt ongoing production sharing contract operations, affect staff deployment, and send negative signals to investors, particularly in the deepwater segment of Nigeria’s oil and gas industry.

One of the officials, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorised to speak publicly, said the order could weaken the company’s operational oversight over production sharing contracts and affect hundreds of personnel dedicated to such activities.

According to him, no fewer than 400 to 500 staff are dedicated on a daily basis to overseeing and managing PSC operations, including monitoring production, reviewing costs, and ensuring compliance across various deepwater assets.

He said, “It would affect us to a great extent because we have staff who are dedicated to these lines of activity. We have no fewer than 400 to 500 staff whose daily work is focused on production sharing contracts. These are professionals working on rigs, platforms, seismic operations, and cost monitoring. We are talking about personnel across 39 PSC sites, out of which 14 are producing, and about five major sites contribute nearly 80 per cent of output under these arrangements.”

According to him, the directive could disrupt the monitoring framework that ensures cost efficiency and transparency in deepwater operations.

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“It would impact us negatively. That is the truth. It is an extremely bad situation and not well thought out. I personally believe that the President was wrongly advised. The Petroleum Industry Act was crafted with deepwater assets development in mind. The idea was to create enabling laws that would attract investors. But this order is already sending a wrong signal to prospective investors. It shows that with just an executive order, a law can be changed overnight without a single debate.

“The new order says royalties and taxes should be remitted to the Federation Account Allocation Committee. But that is a wrong impression that has to be corrected. These monies have already been remitted to FAAC. But the point is that royalties are lifted as barrels and not given to you as cash. That is the way commercial contracts governing this arrangement are designed.

“Deep waters are governed by production sharing contracts. And that means we are sharing production, not cash; barrels of oil, cubic feet of gas. Each party is now expected to sell its barrels and get cash. So, the crude oil that represents royalties and taxes, the agreement signed between NNPC and international oil companies gives the right to take the barrels, sell them, and remit the money to FAAC. That is the clear situation of things, and it is what has been happening since 2022, after the PIA was signed in August 2021,” the source asserted.

The official explained that under existing commercial arrangements, royalties and taxes from PSC operations are remitted to the Federation Account through crude oil lifting rather than direct cash payments.

He warned that any attempt to change the process could create confusion and operational gaps.

“By the language used in the order, it appears there is an assumption that royalties and taxes are paid in cash. They are not. If this is changed, it means international oil companies would sell government crude and remit directly. That is practically impossible. NNPC represents the government as a concessionaire because a sovereign nation cannot enter commercial agreements directly. Our role is to midwife the process from seismic to production and ensure that costs are properly verified,” he said.

The source further expressed concerns about the implications for financing and existing obligations tied to crude-backed loans.

“Some of the production barrels are already tied to loan repayments. The current administration secured about $3.175bn in 2023 with crude as collateral. There are monthly remittance schedules to lenders covering both principal and interest. If all revenues are redirected without clarity, who will meet those obligations? This raises questions for lenders and could affect our ability to raise future capital for major projects,” he said.

He added that the directive could weaken investor confidence in Nigeria’s regulatory and fiscal stability.

“If investors see that agreements can be disrupted by policy shifts, they will hesitate. We are currently pursuing at least three deepwater developments. Some investors are already asking whether this signals instability in policy. This order could send the wrong message to the international community,” he stated.

The official called for broad stakeholder engagement, noting that industry players could help the government identify alternative revenue sources.

“The way forward is that the government should quickly call for a proper stakeholders engagement, whatever they have in mind, we can advise them well because I believe if the President understands this issue, he won’t sign. There should be a proper stakeholder engagement wherein we would explain these things. And if they feel we are not remitting all, the balances can be checked.

“We can even suggest how to increase revenue. If the government is in need of money, it can take from the exploration fund and use it. But the management fee should be coming to NNPC. That one should be left for the company to run its operations and the industry very well.

“As we speak, there are three deepwater developments that are being pursued aggressively. Some of those investors are already concerned, saying that the policies have changed. This order is only sending the wrong signal to the international community. It shows that with an order, the tax rate can be changed. Things are not done like that in this industry,” the source said.

However, another senior official of the company struck a more cautious and optimistic tone, saying the organisation remained stable and would adjust to the new fiscal framework.

The official added that the company was already reviewing its investment portfolio and project priorities in response to the new fiscal landscape, noting that capital allocation would be reassessed to align with evolving policy directives, operational efficiency, and long-term value optimisation.

“Our technical teams are currently assessing the fiscal implications, which is standard practice after any policy change. We do not anticipate any adverse impact on our operations or going concern status. NNPC remains a profitable and viable enterprise with diversified revenue streams and strong operational assets,” the second source said.

He added that production, gas processing, and ongoing projects would continue without disruption. “Operations are ongoing across the value chain. The directive affects remittance channels, but it does not halt production, suspend pipelines, or stop gas processing. Our teams remain focused on delivering the energy Nigeria needs,” the official said.

The official also noted that the company would review its capital allocation strategy and align its operations with the new policy direction. “Capital allocation follows established governance frameworks. Management will review our portfolio in light of the new fiscal landscape. Our strategic focus on cost efficiency, gas monetisation and portfolio optimisation remains intact,” the source said.

The source stressed that frontier exploration and gas development would remain central to Nigeria’s long-term energy security. “Frontier basins are still important. The funding mechanism may change, but NNPC will continue to provide technical expertise. Oil and gas remain central to our strategy, with gas monetisation as a priority,” the official added.

Beyond the oil sector regulators, the MDGIF is also expected to be significantly impacted, as it was created to support the development of critical gas infrastructure across the midstream and downstream segments of the value chain, with sources saying the fund is currently reviewing the implications of the directive on its revenue collection and remittance frameworks, although it has yet to issue an official position. The fund is led by its executive director, Oluwole Adama.

Marketers back Tinubu

Nevertheless, the Petroleum Products Retail Outlets Owners Association of Nigeria has commended the President for signing Executive Order No. 9 of 2026 on February 13, aimed at strengthening fiscal discipline and promoting transparency in the management of Nigeria’s oil and gas revenues.

In a statement signed by its National Public Relations Officer, Joseph Obele, PETROAN described the directive as a decisive and bold step toward enhancing accountability, eliminating revenue leakages, and reinforcing public confidence in the country’s petroleum sector.

Speaking further, the National President of PETROAN, Dr Billy Gillis-Harry, outlined the benefits of the order, emphasising its far-reaching impact on both governance and operational efficiency in the oil industry.

He said, “This Executive Order introduces enhanced revenue transparency. Centralised remittance of oil and gas revenues strengthens accountability and public oversight, ensuring that resources are properly managed. It will also improve fiscal stability by increasing predictable inflows to the Federation Account, thereby enhancing budget implementation and macroeconomic management.”

On the implications for the NNPC, Gillis-Harry noted, “The directive is expected to reposition NNPC as a truly commercial entity, focused on efficiency, profitability, and operational discipline. It is a courageous, reform-driven decision that aligns with global best practices in fiscal governance. By compelling NNPCL to remit revenues directly, the order reinforces the company’s transformation into a commercially disciplined national energy company.”

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Gillis-Harry also commended the Group Chief Executive Officer of NNPC, Bayo Ojulari, for his proactive efforts to revive the Port Harcourt Refining Company, particularly during recent engagement with a Chinese technical firm. He endorsed the proposal to adopt the Nigeria LNG Limited Bonny model for the refinery, stating:

“Adopting a commercially driven governance model similar to NLNG will enhance operational efficiency, transparency, and private-sector discipline. This approach will ensure the long-term productivity and viability of Nigeria’s refineries, strengthen energy security, and reduce dependence on imported fuel. Such reforms are essential for making the refineries globally competitive.”

Beyond fiscal and operational reform, PETROAN affirmed its readiness to collaborate with the Federal Government and regulatory institutions to protect jobs, ensure energy security, and promote long-term stability in the petroleum sector.

The Nigeria Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers has called on President Bola Tinubu to urgently convene a broad-based stakeholders’ meeting to clarify the details of the Executive Order he signed on Wednesday concerning the nation’s oil and gas industry.

The union said the directive has generated tension and uncertainty across the sector, with workers in upstream, midstream, and downstream operations concerned about potential effects on job security, labour agreements, and the implementation of the Petroleum Industry Act.

In a statement, NUPENG President Williams Akporeha said, “NUPENG wishes to call on President Bola Tinubu to urgently convene a stakeholders’ meeting to provide comprehensive clarification on the Executive Order. Petroleum workers across upstream, midstream, and downstream operations have expressed deep concern and anxiety over the content, intent, and implications of the directive.

“The absence of detailed public engagement has naturally generated tension within the sector and heightened restiveness among workers who want to understand how the new directive may affect their employment, welfare, and job security.”

The union stressed that Nigeria’s oil and gas industry is the backbone of the economy, contributing significantly to national revenue, foreign exchange earnings, and employment.

Akporeha highlighted the urgent need for clarity on the scope and objectives of the Executive Order, its implications for the PIA, and its impact on workers, labour agreements, and indigenous participation.

“Without proper consultation and explanation, misinterpretations of the Executive Order may spread across the industry, potentially destabilising operations and undermining industrial harmony that stakeholders have worked hard to sustain,” he warned.

NUPENG said a timely stakeholders’ meeting involving organised labour, regulatory agencies, operators, host community representatives, and other key actors would help address misconceptions, foster transparency, and restore confidence in government policy.

PENGASSAN rejects order

However, the union representing senior staff in the petroleum sector has violently rejected the order, with the President of the Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria, Festus Osifo, leading the opposition.

The union argues that the directive threatens staff welfare, operational autonomy, and the financial stability of key institutions, and has called for urgent consultations with the government to reconsider its implementation.

Reiterating its stance on Sunday, the acting General Secretary of PENGASSAN, Jerry Amah, reiterated the union’s commitment to sustained advocacy on sectoral issues. He said, “We will sustain our advocacy and also consult with other stakeholders and sister unions.”

The union has also called for an emergency National Executive Council meeting scheduled for Tuesday, purportedly to discuss the Executive Order and chart the next line of action.

Despite the concerns, sources confirmed that implementation has already begun, with revenues reportedly being channelled into designated Federation Account structures, including accounts monitored in collaboration with international financial institutions.

The Federal Government has warned that any breach of the directive would be considered a violation of a lawful Executive Order as well as constitutional fiscal provisions, underscoring the legal weight and binding nature of the policy.

According to a document signed by the Minister of State for Finance and Chairman of the Federation Account Allocation Committee, Dr. Doris Uzoka-Anite, the minister reminded the agencies of the federal government’s directive to cease deductions and off-budget retentions from petroleum revenues immediately.

Uzoka-Anite’s letter to the concerned agencies was titled: “Implementation of Presidential Executive Order on Safeguarding Federation Oil and Gas Revenues and Providing Regulatory Clarity- Immediate Remittance Directive and Retrospective Audit.”

The executive order reinforced Section 162 of the Constitution, requiring that all revenues accruing to the Federation be paid into the Federation Account without deduction. For state governments, the directive is seen as potentially beneficial, as it could increase allocations from the Federation Account Allocation Committee. However, at the agency level, apprehension remains palpable.

The PUNCH earlier reported that the federal, state, and local governments might receive additional revenue allocations of about N14.57tn following the recent Executive Order signed by President Bola Tinubu, directing that royalty oil, tax oil, profit oil, profit gas, and other revenues due to the federation under production sharing, profit sharing, and risk service contracts be paid directly into the Federation Account.

This was based on an analysis of revenue inflows in 2025, drawing on monthly earnings submitted to the Federation Account Allocation Committee and obtained by our correspondent.

As the implementation begins, attention is now shifting to the National Assembly, where the NUPRC and possibly other agencies are expected to make their case, in what could become a defining test of the balance between executive authority and statutory independence in Nigeria’s oil and gas sector.

Experts call for caution

The Chief Executive Officer of the Centre for the Promotion of Private Enterprise, Muda Yusuf,  lamented the impact of the order on both NNPC and NUPRC cash flow.

He raised concerns over the potential impact of the directive on the cash flow and operational stability of key institutions in the oil and gas sector, warning that the funding structure of both the NNPC and NUPRC must be handled carefully to avoid disruption.

Yusuf, speaking during a telephone conversation on Sunday, said the removal or reallocation of some revenue streams poses a major challenge, stressing that both agencies rely on predictable and independent funding to discharge their statutory responsibilities.

According to him, forcing the institutions to depend on the traditional federal budgetary process could weaken their efficiency and responsiveness.

He said, “This is another major issue. That’s why I was talking about the cash flow for NNPC and NUPRC. Because if you take away this revenue, how will they fund their operations, unless there are elements that have been left for them to utilise? Otherwise, if they have to go through the budget envelope system and for them to queue at the Ministry of Finance, it will just paralyse those institutions. That model cannot work for them. So we have to be careful how we manage this process, so that we don’t cripple the activities of both NUPRC and NNPC.”

He noted that if they are compelled to rely on the envelope system and bureaucratic approvals from the Ministry of Finance for routine and capital expenditure, it could significantly slow decision-making and paralyse critical operations in the sector.

He added that the transition must be managed in a seamless and structured manner to protect ongoing contractual obligations, vendor commitments, and regulatory activities.

Yusuf warned that both institutions are strategic to the economy and require credible, stable, and flexible funding mechanisms, arguing that they are not designed to operate within rigid public sector funding frameworks that many government agencies are already trying to move away from.

“Then a lot of them have ongoing contractual obligations. There must be a way to manage those things within a seamless transition framework. These institutions are critical to the economy. Their funding must be credible. They are not the kind of institutions that you would throw into the envelope system. That many institutions are trying to run away from,” he noted.

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On the legal debate surrounding the directive, the economist said there are constitutional arguments supporting the President’s powers, noting that the Constitution supersedes any Act of the National Assembly where conflicts arise. He expressed confidence that the executive and legislature could work together to amend relevant provisions of the Petroleum Industry Act to reflect the new policy direction if necessary.

He, however, emphasised that the most critical issue is ensuring uninterrupted operations and investor confidence in the oil and gas sector. Yusuf noted that beyond legal considerations, stakeholders are concerned about the signalling effect of the policy, particularly as the Petroleum Industry Act had previously been widely celebrated for improving transparency and stability.

He said the government must therefore balance reform with policy consistency to avoid creating uncertainty among investors and industry operators.

“Some people have also quoted the constitution that it empowers the president to make changes, and you know the constitution is superior to any act. If there is a conflict between the Constitution and any act. The constitution overrides it and takes precedence. There is also a cordial relationship between the national assembly and the executive. So I don’t think it would take them time to amend the act and let the PIA reflect this executive order. This issue can be easily managed,” he concluded.

Also speaking on the matter, Professor of Energy Law at the University of Lagos, Ayo Ayoade, cautioned the Federal Government against enforcing direct remittance policies in the petroleum sector through executive orders, warning that such moves could conflict with existing legislation, particularly the Petroleum Industry Act.

Ayoade said mandating non-statutory direct remittance of oil revenues raises legal and constitutional concerns because an executive order cannot override an Act of the National Assembly.

“Non-mandate direct remittance is a difficult one because it affects the Petroleum Industry Act,” he told The PUNCH. “As a lawyer, I would not want an executive order to override, amend, or modify an Act of national assent, because an Act created by national assent is superior to an executive order.”

He explained that under Nigeria’s constitutional framework, the executive arm is responsible for implementing laws rather than altering them. “If the executive executes, it does not make the law in general interpretable,” he said.

The energy law expert also addressed concerns about the potential impact of direct remittance rules on the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited, noting that the state oil firm has historically functioned more as a cost centre than a wealth-generating entity.

“I can see why NNPC might be upset because it has always been, even after the PIA, a cost centre,” he said. “They are less busy generating wealth than trying to manage what already exists.”

He argued that most upstream oil production activities are handled by international oil companies, while NNPC primarily manages proceeds and financial obligations. “Everything is done by the international oil companies, and they come in to hold funds and manage them,” he said, adding that reforms could force the company to become more financially independent.

According to him, limiting NNPC’s access to discretionary funds could help end the practice of sustaining loss-making assets, including state-owned refineries. “It is through this money that you see it keeps alive refineries that are effectively dead, spending billions of dollars on things that have no future,” he said. “If they didn’t have access to this money, would they be able to do this?”

However, Ayoade said implementing direct remittance is administratively complex because oil revenues are often received in kind rather than cash. “When you say all taxes should go directly to the treasury account, it is not that simple because the money is not actually cash,” he argued. “In production sharing contracts, what you have is oil, royalty oil, and profit oil, so someone still has to sell that oil.”

He noted that NNPC plays a key role as the concessionaire responsible for selling crude and remitting proceeds, making it difficult to bypass the company entirely. “Somebody must sell the oil, and NNPC is the concessionaire under the contract,” he stated.

The professor also warned that the company’s existing debt obligations further complicate any direct remittance arrangement. “NNPC borrows a lot of money on behalf of the government and pledges some of these barrels of oil to repay loans,” he said. “Who is going to pay back all these loans?”

He urged policymakers to proceed cautiously before implementing sweeping executive directives in the sector. “It is a complex issue, and the government should be very careful before rushing into putting these executive orders in place,” he said.

NRS position

The Executive Chairman of the Nigeria Revenue Service, Zacch Adedeji, has defended the Federal Government’s new tax framework, saying recent reforms were designed to eliminate “cost of collection” practices and strengthen transparency by routing all revenues through the national budget process.

Adedeji spoke while clarifying the rationale behind provisions in the new tax regime, particularly changes affecting regulatory agencies in the oil and gas sector.

He explained that the reforms became necessary after provisions in the law establishing the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission allowed the agency to collect certain taxes and retain a portion as collection costs.

“If you remember, at the beginning, one of the reasons we consolidated the law was because when the NUPRC law was put together, they included a provision that they should be collecting taxes; therefore, the royalty and the charge of four per cent,” he said.

According to him, the government moved to eliminate that model when harmonising tax laws, replacing it with a system that ensures agencies are funded through formal budgetary allocations rather than deductions from the revenues they collect.

“When we consolidated that, those costs of collection were removed,” Adedeji said. “What we were saying during the defence was that everything should go through the budget process. So instead of the cost of collection, what we now have is the cost of operation.”

He stressed that funding regulatory bodies is the responsibility of the government and should not depend on how much revenue they collect.

“It is the duty of the government to fund its agencies,” he said, drawing a comparison with law enforcement institutions. “What about the police that don’t collect anything? They are law enforcement agents. Should we now say their funding should depend on the number of criminals they arrest?”

Adedeji noted that the policy shift is intended to ensure regulators focus on their core mandates rather than revenue retention. “That is what we are trying to do, to make sure regulatory bodies focus on their agencies. So there is no cost of collection,” he said.

He also sought to clarify what he described as a widespread misconception about the role of the revenue service, stressing that it does not generate income for the government but merely collects what is due.

“I correct people when they say we are a revenue-generating agency,” he said. “I don’t generate any revenue in the Nigeria Revenue Service. I only collect revenue. I’m a revenue-collecting agency, not a revenue generator.”

Adedeji added that revenue creation lies with economic actors and productive sectors, not tax authorities. “I’m not the NNPC, I’m not the Central Bank. I don’t produce anything. My job is to ensure that those who do business pay what they owe,” he said.

The reforms are part of broader efforts by the Federal Government to streamline tax administration, reduce duplication across agencies, and improve accountability in public revenue management.

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SEE FULL LIST: Trump’s tariffs on Nigeria, 59 other countries over forced labour claims

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The United States has announced new tariffs on imports from 60 economies, including Nigeria, over what it described as their failure to prohibit the importation of goods produced with forced labour.

The measures, announced by the Office of the United States Trade Representative on Thursday, impose tariffs of either 10 per cent or 12.5 per cent, depending on each country’s forced labour import policies.

According to the USTR, the decision followed investigations launched in May 2026 under Section 301 of the Trade Act into 60 of the United States’ largest trading partners.

The agency said it received more than 1,600 public submissions, held hearings involving over 100 witnesses, and consulted more than 45 governments before announcing the tariffs.

Nigeria is among the countries that will face a 12.5 per cent tariff, while some that USTR deems have adopted or committed to implement bans on imports linked to forced labour will attract a lower 10 per cent rate.

Below is the full list of countries and territories affected by the new US tariffs:

Country/Territory Tariff (%)
Algeria 12.5
Angola 12.5
Argentina 10
Australia 12.5
Bahrain 12.5
Bangladesh 10
Brazil 12.5
Cambodia 10
Canada 10
Chile 12.5
China 12.5
Colombia 12.5
Costa Rica 12.5
Dominican Republic 12.5
Ecuador 10
Egypt 12.5
El Salvador 10
European Union* 10
Guatemala 10
Guyana 12.5
Honduras 10
Hong Kong 12.5
India 10
Indonesia 10
Iraq 12.5
Israel 12.5
Japan* 12.5
Jordan 10
Kazakhstan 12.5
Kuwait 12.5
Libya 12.5
Malaysia 10
Mexico 10
Morocco 12.5
New Zealand 12.5
Nicaragua 12.5
Nigeria 12.5
Norway 12.5
Oman 12.5
Pakistan 10
Peru 12.5
Philippines 12.5
Qatar 12.5
Russia 12.5
Saudi Arabia 12.5
Singapore 12.5
South Africa 12.5
South Korea* 12.5
Sri Lanka 10
Switzerland* 12.5
Taiwan* 10
Thailand 12.5
The Bahamas 12.5
Trinidad and Tobago 10
Turkey 12.5
United Arab Emirates 12.5
United Kingdom 10
Uruguay 12.5
Venezuela 12.5
Vietnam 12.5
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For the European Union, Japan, South Korea, Switzerland and Taiwan, the tariffs are applied net of the Most-Favoured-Nation (MFN) rate, according to the USTR.

PUNCH Online reports that some products are exempted from the tariffs.

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World Bank loans drive Tinubu’s social spending agenda

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As Nigeria leans more on World Bank financing to support social programmes, the President Bola Tinubu administration aims to ease reform pains, with success hinging on accountability, institutional capacity and effective implementation, writes SAMI TUNJI

When President Tinubu unveiled a group of World Bank-backed programmes at the State House Banquet Hall in Abuja on  16 July, the ceremony was presented as the social-policy answer to the economic reforms that have defined his administration.

The programmes span livelihood support, food security, basic education, primary healthcare, public-sector governance and assistance for communities affected by displacement. Collectively, they reveal how the administration is increasingly relying on concessional financing and results-based World Bank programmes to extend social spending beyond the limits of the federal budget.

At the centre of the package are the $500m additional financing for the Nigeria Community Action for Resilience and Economic Stimulus programme, the $300m Solutions for the Internally Displaced and Host Communities project and the Human Capital Opportunities for Prosperity and Equity programmes covering governance, primary healthcare and education.

Although Tinubu’s address described NG-CARES as a $1.25bn programme, the figure includes the original $750m operation and $500m in fresh additional financing. The new financing being launched across NG-CARES, SOLID and the HOPE components is therefore distinct from the cumulative value of the programmes.

The Minister of State for Budget and Economic Planning, Dr Doris Uzoka-Anite, put the fresh package at about $2.42bn in her remarks at the event. That figure broadly reflects $500m for NG-CARES additional financing, $300m for SOLID, $500m for HOPE-Governance, $570m for HOPE-Primary Healthcare and about $552m for HOPE-Education, including support from the Global Partnership for Education.

Behind the numbers is a policy shift. Rather than relying solely on annual appropriations to fund health centres, schools, social registers, cash transfers and livelihood schemes, the government is embedding these interventions in multiyear programmes financed largely through the World Bank’s International Development Association.

The arrangement gives Nigeria access to longer-term and generally cheaper development financing than commercial borrowing. It also brings external performance conditions, independent verification and institutional reform requirements. But it adds to the country’s external obligations and raises a familiar question: whether borrowed money will create services and institutions durable enough to justify the repayment burden.

Reforms meet welfare

Tinubu assumed office in May 2023 and immediately removed the petrol subsidy before allowing a major adjustment in the foreign exchange market. The measures were intended to correct fiscal and monetary distortions, but they also increased transport, energy, food and production costs, leaving households to absorb much of the initial impact.

The administration has consequently faced pressure to show that macroeconomic stabilisation can produce improvements beyond government revenue, foreign reserves and investor sentiment. At the Abuja launch, Tinubu acknowledged that the political and economic sustainability of the reforms would depend on how ordinary Nigerians experienced them.

“Positive results are emerging from our reforms. Robust growth is returning. Confidence is rising. But that progress must be felt in every household, not just in national statistics,” he said in an address delivered on his behalf by the Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Mr Taiwo Oyedele.

Tinubu described NG-CARES, SOLID and HOPE as instruments for converting macroeconomic stability into “better livelihoods, in every ward, for every family.”

His remarks captured the tension in the government’s policy direction. The administration argues that subsidy removal, exchange-rate reform and revenue changes have created fiscal space, yet it is turning to the World Bank to finance a sizeable share of the programmes expected to cushion vulnerable people and rebuild essential services.

The Minister of Budget and Economic Planning, Abubakar Bagudu, admitted that the resources produced by the reforms remained insufficient for the scale of the social challenge.

“The macroeconomic reforms have released remarkable resources, some significant amount of resources for government investment in this area, but that investment is not enough, particularly in the short run,” he said.

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Bagudu added that this explained the need for support from the World Bank and other development finance institutions.

The scale of poverty helps explain the urgency. The World Bank’s April 2026 Nigeria Development Update projected that poverty had risen from 40 per cent, representing 81 million people, in 2019 to about 61 per cent, or 139 million people, in 2025. It said much of the increase predated the current reforms, but the subsequent cost-of-living crisis deepened pressure on vulnerable households.

The World Bank’s new Nigeria Country Partnership Framework for the 2026–2032 fiscal period similarly said more than 60 per cent of Nigerians were estimated to have lived below the national poverty line in 2025. Poor households spend as much as 70 per cent of their income on food, making them particularly exposed to food-price increases.

Against that background, the loans have become more than additional project funding. They are part of the political architecture through which the government hopes to make its reforms socially tolerable.

Results-based financing

The World Bank’s expanding role is also changing how Nigeria designs and delivers social programmes. Much of the financing is structured around measurable results rather than simply releasing funds for government expenditure.

Under such arrangements, participating states and agencies are expected to satisfy agreed conditions, document outcomes and undergo verification before receiving reimbursements or further disbursements. In principle, this reduces the likelihood that funds will be released solely on the strength of budgetary promises.

NG-CARES illustrates the model. The original programme was a $750m operation designed to help households, farmers, communities and small businesses recover from the COVID-19 shock. According to Bagudu, it reached 17.6 million direct beneficiaries between 2021 and 2025.

The World Bank approved another $500m to continue and expand the programme, taking its cumulative financing envelope to $1.25bn. Official project documents show that the additional financing was requested collectively by state governors through the National Economic Council and is intended to expand livelihood assistance, food security services and grants to vulnerable households and firms.

The programme contains safeguards intended to reduce misuse. Participating states are expected to submit audited financial statements, audit beneficiary lists and payments, report fraud and corruption allegations, and establish adequately staffed coordinating units. It also provides for independent verification, third-party monitoring and periodic reporting on environmental and social compliance.

HOPE applies a similar logic to public services. The governance component provides $500m to address institutional weaknesses that constrain education and healthcare delivery, while the primary healthcare programme received $570m in World Bank financing.

Rather than treating weak school and health outcomes only as shortages of buildings or equipment, HOPE links them to budgeting, personnel management, transparency and accountability. States may be expected to improve financial reporting, protect sectoral funding, manage teachers and health workers more effectively, and produce verified evidence of service delivery.

The Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare, Prof Muhammad Pate, said the health reforms were anchored on “one plan, one budget and one report,” bringing together federal, state, local government and development-partner resources.

He said more than 3,000 primary healthcare centres had been revitalised, with another 1,900 projects expected to be completed. According to him, more than 43,000 women and newborns had been transported through the emergency medical system, 78,000 health workers had been retrained and quarterly visits to primary healthcare facilities had risen to 45.5 million from fewer than 10 million in 2023.

Those figures suggest increased activity, but the quality and sustainability of the services remain important. A renovated facility may still lack medicines, electricity, qualified workers or reliable financing after a project closes.

The World Bank’s appraisal framework recognises that risk. HOPE-PHC is designed partly to ensure that domestic resources are provided in budgets for essential medicines, vaccines, diagnostics and other lifesaving commodities, while tracking stock availability in supported facilities.

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The challenge is to prevent World Bank financing from becoming a substitute for domestic responsibility. External loans may help create systems and reward reforms, but salaries, medicines, maintenance and recurrent school expenses must eventually be sustained by Nigerian revenues.

Borrowed human-capital

The most visible change in Tinubu’s social spending agenda is the attempt to treat education, healthcare and social resilience as connected investments rather than separate ministerial projects.

HOPE is the clearest expression of that approach. Its three components address governance, primary healthcare and education, based on the argument that money spent on classrooms and clinics will produce limited results where institutions cannot manage workers, budgets and data.

The Minister of Education, Dr Maruf Alausa, said the HOPE-Education programme represented a $552m investment backed by the World Bank and the Global Partnership for Education. He said it would reach nearly 30 million children, support more than 500,000 teachers and cover tens of thousands of public schools and non-formal learning centres.

The programme is intended to improve foundational learning, expand access and encourage states to carry out institutional reforms. The World Bank has argued that investing in basic skills is essential because Nigeria’s young population cannot become an economic advantage without functional education.

Yet the reliance on credit to fund these basic functions reflects weaknesses in Nigeria’s fiscal structure. Education and healthcare are permanent constitutional responsibilities, not temporary emergency interventions. Funding them through loans can be justified where the financing builds durable systems, expands access or corrects long-standing institutional failures. It becomes harder to justify when borrowed funds repeatedly pay for activities that should be covered through predictable domestic budgets.

SOLID expands the same debate to displacement. The $300m project was approved by the World Bank in August 2025 to improve essential services and economic opportunities for internally displaced people and their host communities in selected local government areas in northern Nigeria. It is expected to benefit up to 7.4 million people, including about 1.3 million displaced persons.

The project marks a shift from short-term humanitarian assistance towards development financing. Roads, water systems, schools, clinics, livelihoods and local institutions are intended to help communities absorb displaced populations while enabling affected households to become more self-reliant.

The Minister of Humanitarian Affairs and Poverty Reduction, Dr Bernard Doro, described the older approach as episodic: “A blanket today, a pack of grain tomorrow.”

He said the government’s emerging system was designed to move households “from emergency relief to resilience, to self-reliance and productivity.”

“For me, these are not merely programmes; they are statements of national intent that no Nigerian, however remote or displaced, is beyond the reach of this government’s care,” Doro said.

That policy direction is consistent with the World Bank’s position that forced displacement should be treated as a development problem, not only as a humanitarian emergency.

For Nigeria, however, loans cannot resolve the causes of displacement. Infrastructure and livelihood support may ease pressure on communities, but insecurity, conflict, banditry, flooding and climate shocks will continue to generate new needs unless addressed directly.

This creates a risk that the state borrows to manage the consequences of failures it has not prevented. If insecurity persists, facilities built under SOLID could become overstretched, abandoned or inaccessible. If displaced people cannot safely return home or integrate into host communities, the programme may provide temporary stability without resolving the underlying crisis.

The same applies to education and health. Credit can rehabilitate schools and clinics, but cannot by itself guarantee teacher attendance, health-worker retention, safe communities, competent local administration or sustained domestic financing.

Debt, delivery test

The attraction of World Bank financing is understandable. Nigeria faces large social needs, weak revenue mobilisation and high domestic borrowing costs. Concessional external credit can provide longer repayment periods, technical support and access to global experience.

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But the growing use of World Bank loans also adds to a rising debt stock.

Data from the Debt Management Office showed that Nigeria’s total public debt reached N159.28tn at the end of December 2025. Domestic debt accounted for N84.84tn, while external debt stood at N74.42tn, equivalent to about $51.85bn.

Nigeria’s obligations to the World Bank rose to about $19.89bn by the end of 2025, from $17.81bn a year earlier. The International Development Association accounted for approximately $18.51bn, while exposure to the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development made up the balance.

The World Bank is consequently not only a development adviser but also one of Nigeria’s most important external creditors.

This relationship is likely to deepen under the Bank’s Country Partnership Framework for Nigeria covering 2026 to 2032. The framework seeks to promote private-sector-led growth, job creation and improved access to energy, digital and agricultural services. The Bank approved an initial $1.25bn financing operation alongside the new strategy in June 2026.

Nigeria’s broader World Bank portfolio has been described as comprising about 30 projects with more than $16.9bn in IBRD and IDA commitments, the greater share coming from IDA.

The debt burden does not automatically make the social-sector loans undesirable. Borrowing for projects that increase productivity, reduce preventable deaths, improve learning and enable households to earn stable incomes can generate economic and social returns greater than their cost.

The danger lies in weak implementation, delayed disbursement, duplicated programmes and projects that end without functioning institutions.

The Chairman of the Nigeria Governors’ Forum and Kwara State Governor, AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq, represented by Ondo State Governor Lucky Aiyedatiwa, said the 36 states were committed to working with the Federal Government and development partners.

He argued that NG-CARES had shown what was possible when the Federal Government, states and partners held themselves to common accountability standards.

That commitment will be tested when states are required to provide counterpart resources, publish results, maintain facilities and submit to independent assessments. Programmes for results can encourage reform, but they may also favour states with stronger institutions, leaving poorer and conflict-affected states struggling to meet conditions despite having greater needs.

The National Assembly also has a role. Senate President Godswill Akpabio, represented by the Chairman of the Senate Committee on Finance, Mohammed Musa, pledged legislative support and oversight.

“We understand that appropriations must produce deliverable outcomes of impact and oversight must strengthen implementation rather than obstruction,” he said.

For that pledge to matter, lawmakers must scrutinise loan terms, disbursement conditions, implementation reports and measurable outcomes rather than treating approval as the end of the process.

The wider accountability question is whether Nigerians can trace funds from federal agreements to state budgets, local institutions and individual communities. Beneficiary registers, procurement awards, independent verification reports and state-by-state disbursements should be publicly accessible.

World Bank Country Director for Nigeria, Matthew Verghis, said the success of such programmes depended on leadership commitment and collaboration among the tiers of government.

“The World Bank is proud to partner with the Government of Nigeria, working with the other development partners in advancing this vision, and we look forward to working together to deliver tangible results that will improve the lives of millions of Nigerians,” he said.

Ultimately, the programmes will not be judged by the size of the loans, the number of launch speeches or the volume of intended beneficiaries. Their value will depend on whether a farmer receives useful support, a displaced family builds a sustainable livelihood, a child learns in a functioning school and a pregnant woman can obtain safe care at a properly staffed health centre.

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Senate pushes bill for Facebook, TikTok offices in Nigeria

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The Senate on Thursday advanced legislative efforts to compel global social media companies operating in Nigeria to establish physical offices in the country, as stakeholders overwhelmingly backed the proposal during a public hearing in Abuja.

The public hearing, organised by the Senate Committee on Information and Communications Technology and Cyber Security, also received broad support for a separate bill seeking to establish an Artificial Intelligence Academy in Omuo-Ekiti, Ekiti State.

The proposed legislation on social media platforms, sponsored by Ned Nwoko (Delta North), seeks to amend the Nigeria Data Protection Act, 2023, to mandate social media companies operating in Nigeria to maintain physical offices within the country’s territorial boundaries.

The AI Academy bill is sponsored by the Chairman of the Senate Committee on Media and Publicity, Yemi Adaramodu (Ekiti South).

Declaring the hearing open, Chairman of the Senate Committee on ICT and Cyber Security, Shuaib Salisu (Ogun Central), said the two bills were aimed at strengthening Nigeria’s digital economy and technological advancement.

According to him, while the social media bill seeks to improve the regulation and protection of Nigeria’s cyberspace, the proposed AI Academy is intended to serve as a centre of excellence for artificial intelligence education, research and innovation.

President of the Senate, Godswill Akpabio, represented by the Deputy Senate Leader, Lola Ashiru (Kwara South), described both proposals as forward-looking and nationally significant.

Akpabio said the bill requiring social media companies to establish physical offices in Nigeria was not intended to stifle their operations but to promote greater accountability and engagement with the country.

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Also defending the bill, Nwoko dismissed concerns that the legislation could discourage investment or target technology companies.

He said, “This Bill is neither punitive nor hostile to innovation. It is not designed to frustrate investment or discourage technology companies from operating in Nigeria.

“On the contrary, it seeks to deepen their engagement with Nigeria by encouraging them to become true corporate citizens of our country.”

The lawmaker argued that many countries with smaller populations and digital markets than Nigeria had successfully attracted global technology firms to establish local operations.

“Around the world, major technology companies have established headquarters, regional offices, engineering centres and operational hubs in countries such as the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Spain, Singapore, India, the United Arab Emirates, South Africa, Brazil, Australia, and Japan,” he said.

Nwoko dismissed concerns that the proposed legislation was aimed at targeting or discouraging global technology companies, insisting that it was intended to strengthen their presence and engagement in Nigeria.

He said many countries, including the United Kingdom, India, the United Arab Emirates, South Africa and Brazil, had attracted global technology firms to establish local offices that support engineering, artificial intelligence research, regulatory compliance, customer support and other operations.

“These offices perform diverse functions ranging from engineering and artificial intelligence research to legal and regulatory compliance, public policy, advertising, trust and safety, cloud services, sales, customer support and product development.

“These countries did not attract such investments by accident. They recognised early that the digital economy is now as important as the traditional economy.

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“By encouraging global technology companies to establish local operations, they have created employment, expanded tax revenues, strengthened regulatory engagement, promoted innovation and encouraged technology transfer to their citizens,” he stated.

Citing Ireland as an example, Nwoko said the presence of companies such as Meta, Google, LinkedIn, TikTok and X had transformed the country into one of Europe’s leading technology hubs through job creation, innovation and increased foreign investment.

He argued that Nigeria, as Africa’s largest digital market, should enjoy similar economic and technological benefits.

“The question therefore is simple: if countries with significantly smaller populations and digital markets than Nigeria have secured these investments and benefits, why should Nigeria continue to stand on the sidelines? Why should Africa’s largest digital market not enjoy the same opportunities?”

The committee is expected to consider memoranda submitted by stakeholders before presenting its report to the Senate for further legislative action.

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