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The Worst Civilian Rule Is Better Than The Best Military Dictatorship”-Chief Obafemi Awolowo

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The Worst Civilian Rule Is Better Than The Best Military Dictatorship”-Chief Obafemi Awolowo

In Nigeria, no military coup against a democratically elected government has ever produced a better leadership than the one they overthrew. Historically, such undemocratic change in leadership has always resulted in a worse administration. Much worse!

The only military coup that has ever led to a better government in Nigeria was a coup against another military ruler, and that was the Thursday, July 29, 1975, palace coup that toppled the Gowon government.

Not only did the Murtala/Obasanjo administration instil discipline in the nation, but it also moved Nigeria from a 1975 negative GDP growth rate of -5.2% to a 6.8% positive GDP growth rate by the time General Obasanjo handed over to President Shehu Shagari in 1979.

But from when President Shagari was overthrown on Saturday December 31, 1983, to when democracy was restored on Saturday, May 29, 1999, Nigeria retrogressively went downhill, from having an army that the late Lt. General Salihu Ibrahim described as an army of “anything can happen” to a loss of fundamental human rights, and a situation where letter bombs killed journalists, with media houses shutting down, to Nigeria losing her visa free status to the United Kingdom, to state sponsored assassinations, and looting of the Central Bank of Nigeria in an industrial scale, to the point where, but for Bernie Madoff a Nigerian military ruler, Sani Abacha, would have continued to hold the record as the world’s biggest thief!

It is easy to forget how bad things were under military rule, but let me remind Nigerians that, under the military, a minister for communications once said, “Telephones are not for the poor!” Today, even beggars have phones!

Is that an era that anybody would wish to return to?

Igbo men say tufiakwa!

The Nigerian public may never truly have an accurate count of the number of coups our nation has experienced. We can only count the ones that came to light, including the following:

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The January 15, 1966 coup, successfully led by Majors Emmanuel Ifeajuna and Chukwuma ‘Kaduna’ Nzeogwu, resulted in the deaths of the top echelon of First Republic politicians from every region, except the Eastern Region, and brought Major General Thomas Aguiyi-Ironsi to power.

The July 29 1966 countercoup, which was to be led by Lt. Colonel Murtala Ramat Muhammed, but which was preempted by the Abeokuta Garrison before Murtala was ready, and led to a mutiny in which over 200 Igbo officers and men were killed, including the Head of State, Major General Thomas Aguiyi-Ironsi, and his host, Colonel Adekunle Fajuyi, who refused to give him up.

Both these coups resulted in the Nigerian Civil War, in which an estimated one million people died.

The July 29, 1975, coup, which occurred exactly nine years after the last coup, was led by Lt. Colonels Shehu Musa Yar’Adua and Joe Garba, who toppled the Gowon administration and ushered in the joint Murtala-Obasanjo government.

The February 13, 1976 coup, which was the first known unsuccessful coup in Nigeria, during which Lt. Colonel Bukar (short for Abubakar) Dimka assassinated the Head of State, General Muhammed, and his co-plotters wounded then Colonel Raymond Dumuje, thinking he was Lt. General Obasanjo.

The December 31, 1983 coup, which ended the Shagari Presidency as well as the Second Republic, was led by a group of senior officers, including Brigadiers Sani Abacha and Ibrahim Bako, among others. It resulted in Major General Muhammadu Buhari assuming power.

The August 27, 1985, palace coup, during which a group of officers known as the IBB Boys arrested the Head of State, Major General Buhari, and replaced him with his Chief of Army Staff, Major General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida, who took on the title of Military President.

The Vatsa coup of 1986, of which the Nigerian public knew very little and cannot reasonably be certain if there really was a coup or not. It was the second known unsuccessful coup, if it was indeed a real conspiracy at all.

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The April 22, 1990, Orkar coup, in which Major Gideon Orkar unsuccessfully attempted to overthrow General Babangida, whose life was saved by Lt. General Abacha, who was rewarded by being promoted to a full General after the coup, the first time that Nigeria had two serving full-time Generals (IBB and Abacha). It was Nigeria’s third unsuccessful coup.

The November 17, 1993, bloodless coup, at which General Sani Abacha gently eased out the Head of the Interim National Government, Chief Ernest Shonekan, and assumed power as Military Head of State.

The March 1, 1995 Gwadabe coup, of which we cannot be reasonably sure if this was a real coup or a phantom coup, given the subsequent testimonies of Gwadabe himself, and Colonel Bello Fadile. If it were indeed a genuine plot, it would have been Nigeria’s fourth known unsuccessful coup. But I strongly doubt that this coup was real.

The December 1997 Diya coup was the only coup in Nigeria’s history where the Second-in-Command plotted against the Head of State. Despite protestations to the contrary, this was actually a genuine coup, albeit a set-up involving the then-Chief of Army Staff, Lt. Gen. Ishaya Bamaiyi, whom I interviewed at Kirikiri Maximum Security Prison in January 2000. He was very arrogant and rude. I also interviewed Major Hamza al-Mustapha and Mohammed Abacha. I found al-Mustapha to be one of the most charming, intelligent and humble fellows I had met up until then. Mohammed Abacha appeared to me to be in some sort of dazed state.

It was Nigeria’s fifth known unsuccessful coup.

The 2004 Hamza al-Mustapha coup. Al-Mustapha was accused of plotting to overthrow the Obasanjo government and was arrested. The trial dragged on, and he was released by the Umaru Musa Yar’adua administration, which abandoned his trial in 2008. It was Nigeria’s sixth known unsuccessful coup.

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In total, of the coups that were made public, Nigeria has had six successful military coup d’états and six unsuccessful coups, bringing the total to 12 coups.

Apart from the very first coup, all coups in Nigeria’s history have been planned and executed, either admittedly or allegedly, by Northern military officers, including the Diya coup, which, if we are to take his word, was the brainchild of Ishaya Bamaiyi.

And hate him or love him, Nigeria owes her present political stability more or less to one man, General Olusegun Obasanjo, who ended the Nigerian Civil War on January 15, 1970, then returned the country to civil rule on October 1, 1960, before returning to stabilise the country in civil rule on May 29, 1999.

Given that the best predictor of the future is the past, any undemocratic changes of government in Nigeria would set the country back and may even, God forbid, result in another civil war.

Therefore, it is in the interest of every Nigerian, especially the media, to prioritise Nigeria and our democracy, and refrain from coup-baiting, because, as Chief Obafemi Awolowo put it, “The worst civilian rule is better than the best military dictatorship.”

That quote is all the more poignant, especially now that we have one of the best democratically elected governments in history, which has expanded Nigeria’s GDP by $67 billion in just two years, moving us from a ₦269.29 trillion economy on May 29, 2023, when Asiwaju became President, to ₦372.8 trillion today, and has equally increased our national prestige by achieving the upgrading of Nigeria’s passport from the 97th strongest in the world under General Buhari to the 88th most powerful passport on Earth today, according to the the latest Henley Passport Index.

Reno Omokri

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Lifestyle

Women Who Love and Listen to Their Pastors More Than Their Husbands Should Be the Pastor’s Second Wife

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This statement may sound funny, provocative, or even offensive, but it raises an important question about priorities in marriage and religion.

A pastor is a spiritual leader, but he is not supposed to replace a woman’s husband. If a married woman consistently values her pastor’s opinions above her husband’s, obeys her pastor while dismissing her husband, or shows greater loyalty and admiration toward her pastor than toward her spouse, then something may be seriously wrong with the balance in that marriage.

Marriage requires communication, mutual respect, trust, and understanding. A pastor can provide spiritual guidance, but that guidance should not become a reason for a husband and wife to lose respect for each other.

At the same time, husbands should not expect their wives to obey them blindly. Both husband and wife should seek God’s wisdom, communicate openly, and make decisions with love and respect.

So perhaps the real question is not whether such a woman should become the pastor’s “second wife,” but why has the pastor become more important in her marriage than her own husband?

Put God first. Respect your spouse. And never allow a spiritual leader to become a substitute for your marriage partner.

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Why is it only in Africa that we hear so much about “generational curses”?

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This is a question worth asking—not to insult African traditions or dismiss anyone’s beliefs, but to encourage honest reflection.

Across Africa, it is common to hear people explain repeated family problems as a “generational curse.” When poverty, broken relationships, addiction, failure, sickness, family conflict or misfortune appears to repeat from one generation to another, some people immediately conclude that an ancestor, spiritual force or past wrongdoing is responsible.

But is every repeated family problem truly a curse?

If a child grows up in poverty, has limited access to quality education, receives little financial support and then struggles as an adult, is that necessarily a spiritual curse—or could it be the result of circumstances that have been passed from one generation to another?

If children grow up watching violence, substance abuse, unhealthy relationships or constant conflict, they may unknowingly repeat those patterns. That does not necessarily mean they are cursed. Sometimes behaviour is inherited through environment, not through supernatural forces.

And Africa is certainly not the only place where people believe in supernatural explanations for suffering or misfortune. Different societies around the world have their own concepts of inherited wrongdoing, family misfortune, ancestral consequences, fate and spiritual punishment.

So perhaps the more important question is not:

“Who cursed my family?”

But:

“What pattern has been passed down to me, and what can I do to stop passing it to the next generation?”

We should be careful not to use the idea of a curse to discourage people from taking action. A family facing poverty may need education, opportunity and financial planning. A family experiencing repeated conflict may need healthier communication. A person struggling with addiction may need professional support and a strong recovery environment. Communities facing injustice may need better institutions, accountability and opportunity.

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Faith and spirituality are deeply meaningful to many people, and everyone has the right to hold their beliefs. But faith should not prevent us from examining the practical causes of our problems.

We cannot change the past, but we can change what we pass forward.

Instead of teaching our children that they are victims of an unavoidable family curse, let us also teach them knowledge, discipline, emotional strength, financial responsibility, education, healthy relationships and the courage to break destructive patterns.

Maybe the greatest “curse” is not something mysterious placed upon a family.

Maybe sometimes it is simply a problem that nobody stopped long enough to understand and change.

And the greatest inheritance we can give the next generation is not fear of a curse—but the knowledge and courage to build a better future.

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You are very proud to speak big English, but yet you cannot speak your own language?

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There is nothing wrong with speaking English fluently. In fact, being able to communicate confidently in different languages is a valuable skill. But we should ask ourselves a deeper question: while learning to speak the language of another culture, are we slowly losing the language that connects us to our own roots?

Your mother tongue is more than just words. It carries the stories of your ancestors, the wisdom of your grandparents, the jokes that only your people understand, the traditional greetings, the names, the songs, the history and the identity of your community.

Imagine being able to speak perfect English, but struggling to have a simple conversation with your own grandmother because you do not understand the language she grew up speaking. Imagine your children knowing foreign languages but being unable to understand the language of their own heritage.

That should make us pause.

Speaking English does not make you more intelligent, and speaking your indigenous language does not make you less educated. One is a communication skill; the other can be a connection to your heritage. We should not have to choose between being educated and preserving our identity.

Learn English. Speak it confidently. Learn French, Dutch, Spanish or any other language that opens doors for you.

But don’t let the pursuit of foreign languages close the door to your own.

Teach your children your language. Speak it at home. Ask your parents and grandparents to teach you the words you never learned. If you have forgotten it, it is never too late to start again.

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Because when a language disappears from a family, something precious disappears with it.

Be proud of your education. Be proud of your ability to speak English. But also be proud of where you come from.

Your language is not something to be ashamed of. It is a part of your story. Preserve it before the next generation only knows it as something their ancestors once spoke.

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