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See what a terror-free Nigeria supposed to look like

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In a bid to alleviate the uncertainties and tensions that prevail at the moment, the Federal Government recently announced a notable success rate in its fight against terrorism. They declared that they had recorded an 81 per cent reduction in terror-related deaths since 2015. The figures, said to be based on updates from the Department of State Services, also claimed that in the past year alone, more than 13,000 terrorists have been neutralised while over 124,000 fighters and their dependents have surrendered to authorities. We were also told that more than 2.1 million internally displaced people have been relocated back home from the IDP camps, and reconstruction efforts are ongoing. The government attributed that significant reduction in terror attacks to the improvement of counter-insurgency operations and enhanced collaboration between security agencies and the affected communities.

The figures are good, but Nigeria is not a place where one can simply trust the word of state security agencies. During the tenure of late Muhammadu Buhari, the government also once claimed to have “technically defeated” Boko Haram. Whatever that meant in simple English, only Buhari and his advisers could have understood it enough to explain it to the rest of us. Even more interesting is that the National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu, assured us—just in April last year—that they have successfully reduced terrorism-related deaths by a whopping 90 per cent. How did Ribadu know this to be true? He based his claim on the price of AK-47s on the black market. According to him, the price of those deadly weapons had increased from between N500,000 to N1m in 2023 to about N5m and, and to him, that was an indication that the guns had become scarce due to the frequent government seizures. Perhaps if Ribadu had taken a little more time to think through the gauge he used to assess progress, it would have occurred to him that between 2023 and 2024, Nigeria also witnessed very high rates of inflation that spiked the prices of goods and services. This was, of course, due to the various policies (such as the removal of fuel subsidies and naira devaluation) of the administration in which Ribadu is presently serving. If the price of a bag of rice and other food staples could double or triple, what stops a destructive weapon from similarly responding to market forces?

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Ribadu also based that “90 per cent” claim on the death tolls he claimed had dropped drastically. He said they used to record an average of 2,600 deaths in a month, but the figure had dropped to 200. He also announced that they had prosecuted close to 2,000 terrorists, with many of them convicted. Now, just 18 months later, the same people are now sharing figures that state an 81 per cent reduction in deaths. The more recent claim adds that over 124,000 fighters, along with their dependents, have surrendered to the authorities. Curiously, only 124 (which is a mere 0.1 per cent) have been convicted in the past year. That figure does not align with what Ribadu provided just last year, so have we progressed or regressed? The Global Terrorism Index still ranks Nigeria at number six, placing it in distinguished company alongside countries such as Pakistan, Mali, and others. That is not where we should be after many years of fighting terror. What really does it mean to “neutralise” 13,000 terrorists? What is the afterlife of the “neutralisation” programme and the “surrender” of these supposedly neutered terrorists? Do they return to their villages to beat their guns into farming implements, or do they later backslide for want of more thrilling things to do with their life? The figures of progress the government has been providing for us obscure the truth more than they clarify it.

The meaning of progress should not be morbidly measured by the percentage of deaths or the price of AK-47S, but by generating a vision of a terror-free Nigeria. What is a post-terror Nigeria supposed to look like? For us not to be condemned to circling the mountain of insecurity infinitely, we must reorient ourselves to think beyond death and dying to life and living.

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We must also be able to envision what life ought to look like without terror, banditry, and all the assorted ways Nigerians routinely get killed. All our efforts cannot—and should not—be about stopping deaths but enhancing life. When we get so fixated on how many dead bodies we pick up every month, we not only set a low bar of victory, but we also provide a cheap escape means for those who have the responsibility of reforming Nigeria. Their best efforts will simply be channelled into miscounting the dead just so they can claim some victory. That is why there is a discrepancy between the figures on which the government planks its victory and the actual real-life experiences of Nigerians who are regularly assailed with reports of violence and have to conduct mass burials and/or be moved to IDP camps.

Rather than being locked into an eternal bickering over what is true or false, we should set a different standard. The utopian vision that should motivate the fight against terrorism and other forms of insecurity should not be about the number of dead people but about how Nigerians would live in a post-terror Nigeria. What would our lives look like if we were able to eliminate terror? One thing we know for sure is that life in post-terror Nigeria cannot—and must not—be as we used to live it before all these started. No, we must be able to live much better lives. That, of course, means that the structural factors that gave rise to the present situation must be confronted. We must examine where the rain first began to beat us and continued to beat us.

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Nigeria is currently embroiled in a war, but is also incubating many potential conflicts simultaneously. If you think the terrorists and bandits are already a huge problem, please know that we have not seen anything yet, given the growing number of street urchins growing up outside the civilising force of family and community. This out-of-school population is maturing biologically, but is uneducated, unskilled, and unprepared for life. At a point, they will turn against the country that failed them, and we will never progress beyond counting dead bodies and pricing AK-47S. We must think differently about our problems and their solutions. The mindset that created these problems cannot solve them; we must consider the wholesale regeneration of our society, which has become stagnant and stale.

The endpoint of fighting insecurity in Nigeria must not be an endless chasing after the disillusioned people who have finally found a moral purpose that redeems their otherwise humdrum existence to disarm them. The goal must be to envision a new life full of abundant possibilities for Nigerians. We must stop thinking of death and start working towards making life. Our motivation for fighting insecurity should not be about reducing deaths by spurious percentages but about creating a life where people can flourish. People must have hope, faith, and the ability to exercise their free will. Our people in every part of the country must be able to live securely, in dignity and freedom, and with fear banished. We must be able to imagine ourselves living like the free and dignified subjects God made us to be, not the perennially pitiable subjects who are either dying or warding off death.

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Catholic bishops’ inconvenient truth

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Politics and religion often conflate into a toxic brew. So, it is with the storm over John Onaiyekan’s comments after the recent meeting between President Bola Tinubu and the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of Nigeria. As the waves billow and swell, the encounter opens a window into the tremors in government rather than the cardinal’s intentions.

Instead of treating the bishops’ observations as sincere moral feedback from a respected institution, some of the administration’s vocal defenders responded with personal attacks, accusing the cardinal of partisanship and abuse of clerical privilege.

That reaction was unfortunate and avoidable.

No elected government claiming democratic credentials should treat independent criticism as hostility.

Yet the ferocious responses from the Minister of the FCT, Nyesom Wike; the President’s Special Adviser on Policy Communication, Daniel Bwala; and the SSA on Media, Temitope Ajayi, suggested Onaiyekan had committed a grave offence by saying the bishops told the President Nigeria was “bleeding,” that poverty was worsening, and many were struggling under economic reforms.

The cardinal’s fault was not fabricating facts but speaking publicly about an uncomfortable conversation.

He said the President disagreed, insisting the economy was improving and reforms were laying the foundation for recovery.

The bishops, he said, neither expected agreement nor sought to embarrass the President; they were discharging a moral duty to tell him what many Nigerians could not.

That should have ended the matter. Instead, critics turned a healthy exchange into a public quarrel. Bwala questioned the cardinal’s neutrality, alleging the church supported Peter Obi in 2023.

Ajayi dismissed the bishops as offering only one perspective. Wike argued that having taken sides in a past election disqualified the cardinal from impartiality and faulted the bishops for questioning INEC’s neutrality ahead of 2027 without stronger proof.

These points merit consideration. Religious leaders, like journalists and civil society actors, should aim for fairness as credibility rests on intellectual honesty. Achievements by government should be acknowledged. But fairness works both ways.

The administration’s defenders owe Nigerians an honest engagement with the bishops’ substance rather than attempts to discredit the messengers.

Who the cardinal voted for is irrelevant to whether millions of Nigerians are suffering. Hunger and inflation do not check party membership before striking families.

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One of the weakest responses to public criticism is to attack motives while avoiding the issues raised. That strategy failed to convince many Nigerians. Therefore, it is no surprise that support for Onaiyekan flowed from across civic space.

The Northern Youth Council said he reflected lived realities; the Middle Belt Forum called the attacks unfair; the Catholic Laity Council defended the church’s pastoral duty to speak for the vulnerable.

Former governor and minister Rotimi Amaechi, himself a Catholic, reminded the Presidency that bishops have every right to criticise governments and urged responses based on evidence, not indignation.

Even Orji Kalu, APC senator and former Abia State governor, threatened to resign from the party if the bishops were insulted, noting their similar interventions across Africa.

The public backlash appears to have prompted moderation. Secretary to the Government of the Federation, George Akume, reaffirmed the administration’s respect for the Catholic Church and promised deeper consultations.

That is the mature response expected of a confident government, and it should have been the first instinct.

The episode exposes a deeper problem.

With the 2027 elections on the horizon, there is a growing tendency in official circles to interpret every criticism through a partisan lens.

Independent institutions that refuse to sing from the government’s hymn book risk being branded hostile. Such defensiveness serves neither democracy nor good governance.

Onaiyekan’s sharper point was that too many people around the President paint an overly rosy picture of the country. Whether entirely fair, the observation highlights a real danger that administrations insulated by courtiers and loyalists risk mistaking praise for patriotism.

Presidents need more than briefings, official statistics and flattering presentations. They need uncomfortable truths from independent voices including economists, labour unions, journalists, business leaders, traditional rulers and religious organisations.

Governments that refuse to listen lose touch with the people they govern. That is why criticism is not the enemy of reform; silence is.

The Tinubu administration can rightly argue it inherited an economy in deep distress and that difficult choices were necessary. Removing the petrol subsidy and liberalising the foreign exchange market were politically costly but, many economists agree, economically inevitable.

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The government has expanded fiscal space for states, created NELFUND, launched youth initiatives, and helped end the destructive cycle of prolonged ASUU strikes. These are notable achievements and deserve acknowledgement.

But governments are judged by citizens’ lived realities, not only by economic theory or improving macro indicators.

Foreign reserves have strengthened to $52 billion from about $3 billion, fiscal revenues rose to all-time highs, and the naira exchange rate has stabilised compared with the immediate post-reform shock.

Yet these gains have not delivered meaningful relief for the average Nigerian. Inflation remains punishing at over 15 per cent and above 37 per cent in at least 10 states; food and transport costs are soaring; healthcare and medication are costly; electricity tariffs and rent have escalated; small businesses struggle with high energy costs and expensive credit.

For too many families, over 70 per cent of income is spent on feeding alone. Multidimensional poverty affects 63 per cent of Nigerians, per the World Bank.

The bishops sought to communicate that reality. It cannot be dismissed by citing encouraging macro trends.

The reforms are also incomplete. A parallel foreign-exchange market persists, reflecting distortions and weak confidence.

Oil production remains below projections. Domestic refiners complain of inadequate crude supply even as the government extends Project Gazelle with a new $4.5 billion refinancing, raising concerns about future crude commitments while local refining capacity is planned to double.

External debt keeps rising, increasing exchange-rate exposure and debt-service obligations, which already consume half of revenues.

Terrorism, banditry and kidnapping continue to terrorise large swathes of the country, driving farmers from fertile lands and worsening food inflation.

Official and independent reports indicate that more than 628,000 people have been killed and over 2.2 million abducted since 2023, according to a BusinessDay report in June.

These are measurable national realities, not opposition talking points. Governments need independent voices to speak honestly about them.  No pushback can erase the fact that Nigeria is bleeding.

The Catholic Church has a long history of such moral witness. During military rule, bishops such as Olubunmi Okogie, an Emeritus Cardinal, condemned authoritarianism, corruption and human-rights abuses.

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Under democratic governments, the church continued to criticise administrations across the political spectrum over insecurity, governance failures and human suffering. Its loyalty has been to moral principles, not to any party.

Tinubu should not regard himself as uniquely persecuted, nor should his supporters mistake clerical witness for partisan politics.

Religious leaders are, firstly, citizens. They bury terrorism victims, counsel unemployed graduates, comfort widows and feed hungry families. If such leaders cannot speak about poverty, insecurity and governance, democracy becomes a farce.

Political parties are also inconsistent. Many who now defend petrol subsidy removal opposed it when it was proposed under President Goodluck Jonathan. Those who benefited from the freedom to criticise must not deny others the same liberty when roles reverse.

One of the most perilous governance tendencies is believing that criticism weakens government. On the contrary, governments make worse mistakes when they become prisoners of official optimism.

They need independent feedback to test whether policies yield intended outcomes. Economic models and official reports are necessary but insufficient; they must be complemented by honest input from labour, business, academia, the media, civil society and faith leaders. Without it, governments risk governing statistical abstractions rather than human realities.

It is encouraging that the administration now appears to be recalibrating. Akume’s pledge of deeper engagement deserves commendation.

Consultation, not confrontation, marks mature democratic leadership. The Presidency gains nothing by quarrelling with institutions focused on the country’s welfare.

Tinubu has often said he welcomes constructive criticism. He insisted that he sought the job and should not be pitied. This episode is a chance to prove it.

Labelling respected clerics as partisan for voicing uncomfortable truths suggests the administration may lack confidence in the transformative power of its own reforms. That is diminishing.

Nigeria’s problems are too serious for official defensiveness. Reform is a journey requiring constant feedback. The bishops fulfilled their civic and moral duty. The Presidency must perform its constitutional role by listening, not by silencing dissent.

Source: punchng.com

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LACK OF TRUST IN MARRIAGE

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A marriage can survive difficult times, financial struggles, and disagreements—but when trust disappears, the relationship begins to lose its foundation.

When a husband no longer trusts his wife, or a wife no longer trusts her husband, even innocent actions can become suspicious. A simple phone call becomes a question. Coming home late becomes an accusation. A private conversation becomes a source of fear and jealousy.

Lack of trust creates emotional distance.

It produces constant suspicion, arguments, insecurity, resentment, and sometimes secretive behaviour. Instead of feeling safe with each other, couples begin to feel like enemies living under the same roof.

Trust is not built by controlling your spouse, checking their phone every minute, or constantly demanding explanations. Trust is built through honesty, faithfulness, transparency, consistency, and keeping your word.

If trust has been broken, don’t pretend everything is fine. Talk about it. Admit mistakes. Forgive where possible. Set healthy boundaries. And be willing to rebuild what has been damaged.

Remember: love may bring two people together, but trust helps keep them together.

💔 Don’t allow suspicion to destroy what communication and honesty can repair.

BUILD TRUST. BE FAITHFUL. BE HONEST. PROTECT YOUR MARRIAGE.

“Wherefore putting away lying, speak every man truth with his neighbour.”
— Ephesians 4:25 (KJV)

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LACK OF OPENNESS IN MARRIAGE

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A marriage can look beautiful on the outside and still be struggling on the inside when there is no openness between husband and wife.

When couples stop communicating honestly, keep secrets, hide their feelings, or are afraid to discuss important issues, emotional distance begins to grow. What starts as “I don’t want to cause a problem” can eventually become mistrust, resentment, loneliness, and constant misunderstanding.

Openness does not mean telling your spouse everything in a hurtful or careless way. It means creating a safe relationship where both partners can honestly talk about their feelings, concerns, mistakes, finances, expectations, struggles, and dreams without fear of unnecessary humiliation or condemnation.

A strong marriage requires:

• Honest communication — Talk about problems instead of allowing them to grow in silence.
• Trust and transparency — Avoid unnecessary secrecy that can damage confidence in the relationship.
• Active listening — Listen to understand, not simply to respond or attack.
• Emotional vulnerability — Let your spouse know when you are hurting, worried, disappointed, or afraid.
• Respect — Honesty should never become an excuse for insults, threats, or emotional abuse.
• Forgiveness — When mistakes are acknowledged, work together toward healing and restoration.

The Bible says:

“Where no counsel is, the people fall: but in the multitude of counsellors there is safety.” — Proverbs 11:14 (KJV)

And:

“Let every man be swift to hear, slow to speak, slow to wrath.” — James 1:19 (KJV)

Marriage should be a place where two people can feel safe enough to communicate, honest enough to admit their weaknesses, and humble enough to work through their differences.

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Don’t allow silence, secrets, and suspicion to build walls between you and your spouse. Talk. Listen. Understand. Forgive. Grow together.

❤️ Openness builds trust. Trust strengthens intimacy. And healthy communication helps build a stronger marriage.

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