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Killings, abductions soar after U.S. airstrikes as terrorists kill 183, abduct 366 in 27 days

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WHEN American warplanes struck suspected terrorist enclaves in Sokoto State on Christmas Day, December 25, 2025, the Federal Government welcomed the intervention, which it said has its imprimatur as a boost to its war against terror.

But less than four weeks after the foreign bombs landed, Nigeria has descended into a more complex nightmare.

From Kaduna to Zamfara, Niger to Sokoto, Borno to Plateau, etc, armed groups have unleashed a wave of killings and mass abductions that have arguably exposed a frightening reality: The strike did not end terror, it rearranged it.

Today, the world’s largest black nation is confronting not just Boko Haram, bandits or emerging groups like Lakurawa but also a dangerous fusion of terrorism and organised crime, spreading faster than her capacity to contain it.

Tellingly, the U.S strikes appear to have become a catalyst for domestic chaos.

The strike that shook Northern Nigeria

On December 25, U.S. forces launched rare airstrikes on alleged Islamic State-linked targets in Sokoto state, North-Western Nigeria.

Washington described the operation as a decisive blow against jihadist networks operating beyond the traditional Boko Haram theatre.

From the beginning, the operation raised troubling questions. Who exactly were the targets? How many terrorists or bandits were killed? Were civilians affected? Did the strike degrade terrorist capacity or provoke retaliation?

Official answers were scarce but events on the ground began to speak louder than statements.

Within 24 hours of the strike, armed attacks intensified across multiple states on a daily basis as if the terrorists are daring the U.S to launch more airstrikes.

From airstrikes to anarchy

The North-West, already Nigeria’s most volatile region, became the epicentre of renewed bloodshed. States in North-Central and North-East zones were not spared as well.

Between December 26, 2025 and January 21, 2026, villages were raided in Kaduna, Katsina, Zamfara, Sokoto and Niger states.

Dozens were killed in coordinated attacks on rural communities, and hundreds were abducted in mass kidnapping operations.

Kaduna emerged as ground zero

In one of the most shocking incidents, armed gangs stormed three churches during worship on January 18 and abducted 177 worshippers in a single operation. And on January 21, five soldiers were killed and scores were injured when a Boko Haram suicide bomber rammed into a military convoy in Timbuktu Triangle in Borno State.

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Security analysts believe bandits exploited the post-strike confusion to expand operations, seize territory and increase ransom revenue.

“The strike disrupted some jihadist cells, but it also created a power vacuum,” a security source told Saturday Vanguard.

“Bandits moved quickly to fill that space.”

Boko Haram, ISWAP refuse to retreat in N-East

Contrary to expectations, jihadist groups in the North-East did not retreat after the U.S. intervention. Instead attacks on military positions continued, rural communities remained under threat, and insurgents maintained mobility across Borno and neighbouring states. As it panned out, foreign bombs did not dismantle local insurgency. Rather, Boko Haram and its splinter factions adapted as they have done for over a decade.

Rise of Lakurawa in Sokoto

Perhaps, the most disturbing development since December 25 is the expansion of Lakurawa, an emerging armed group operating along Nigeria’s north-western border.

Unlike traditional bandits driven purely by profit, Lakurawa combines ideology with criminality.

It imposes taxes on communities, recruits local youths, launches coordinated raids, and establishes territorial influence. Security officials fear that Lakurawa represents a bridge between Sahelian jihadist networks and Nigeria’s bandit economy. If unchecked, it could transform the North-West into a new insurgency theatre similar to the North-East.

The shocking numbers

Although official statistics remain fragmented, data compiled from security reports, humanitarian organisations and media reports reveal a grim picture: Between December 25, 2025 and January 21, 2026, no fewer than 183 people have been killed and 366 people were abducted.

The worst-hit states are Kaduna, Niger, Zamfara, Katsina, Sokoto, Borno and Plateau. These figures are conservative because

many rural attacks go unreported or under-reported. Some accounts are denied or suppressed by the authorities like the latest Kaduna abductions.

In some communities, survivors bury their dead in silence.

Before U.S. airstrikes

Before foreign bombs landed Nigeria has been a killing field for over two decades with the situation assuming a dangerous dimension since 2014.

According to the National Bureau of Statistics, NBS, 614,937 people were killed between May 2023 and April 2024 and 2,236,954 people were kidnapped within the period Nigeria.

Although, kidnapping incidents reportedly decreased by 16.3 per cent in 2024, the terrorists upped their deadly game in 2025 as no fewer than an estimated 6,800 deaths were recorded in the first half of 2025
Specifically, April 2025 witnessed 570 deaths and 278 abductions, and in August 2025, there were 545 violent incidents, 732 deaths and 435 abductions.

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Timeline of violence after U.S. strikes

A day after the U.S. airstrikes, armed militia on December 26, attacked Bokkos/ Barking Ladies in Plateau State and killed 16 persons.

On the same day, bandits attacked rural communities in Nigeria State, murdered persons and kidnapped 12.

On December 27, bandits attacked communities in Anka LGA, killed five persons and abducted 20.

December 28: Three persons were killed and 15 kidnapped by bandits I Giwa LGA, Kaduna State

December 29: Boko Haram/ISWAP terrorists killed four persons in Gwoza, Borno State.

December 30: Bandits killed two person and abducted 10 at Faskari LGA, Katsina.

December 31: Lakurawa terrorists killed six persons at Tangaza LGA, Sokoto State

January 1: Bandits attacked a market village in Niger State, killed 30 persons and kidnapped 15

January 2: One died and eight were kidnapped by bandits at Chukun LGA, Kaduna State.

January 3: Bandits killed seven persons at Maru LGA, Zamfara State.

January 4: Bandits raided a village in Niger State, killed 30 and kidnapped many people estimated at 40

January 5: Boko Haram killed three persons in Maiduguri, Borno State.

January 6: Bandits attacked rural communities in Kaduna killed two persons and kidnapped 24.

January 7: Bandits killed four persons and abducted nine at Kankara LGA, Katsina State.

January 8: Six persons lost their lives to Bandits’ onslaught at Tsafe LGA, Zamfara State

January 9: Lakurawa attacks left 10 persons dead at Gwadabawa LGA, Sokoto State.

January 10: Five persons were killed and 18 kidnapped by bandits at Shiroro LGA, Niger State.

January 11: Bandits killed three persons and abducted 12 at Birnin Gwari, Kaduna State.

January 12: ISWAP attack left six dead at Marte LGA, Borno State.

January 13: Bandits ginned down two and abducted seven at Danmusa LGA, Katsina State.

January 14: Armed militia killed killed nine persons at Mangu LGA, Plateau State.

January 15: Bandits killed two and abducted six at Kagarko LGA, Kaduna State

January 17&18: Bandits attacked three churches in Kajuru LGA, Kaduna State and abducted 177 worshippers. In a follow-up raid three persons died and 10 were kidnapped.

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January 19: Bandits attacked a community in Rafi LGA, Niger State killed four and kidnapped nine

January 21: Five soldiers were killed and scores were injured when a Boko Haram suicide bomber rammed into a military convoy in Timbuktu Triangle in Borno State.

War without frontlines

Currently, Nigeria’s security crisis has mutated into something more complex than the Boko Haram insurgency of the 2010s. The conflict has morphed into three overlapping layers:

•Terrorists

Boko Haram, ISWAP and jihadist networks pursuing ideological goals.

•Bandits

Criminal gangs driven by ransom, arms trafficking and territorial control.

•Hybrid Groups

Emerging actors like Lakurawa, blending ideology with organised crime. The result is a multi-front war without clear battle lines. Bombing one group often strengthens another.

A senior military officer admitted in confidence: “We are fighting shadows. When you hit one camp, three new groups emerge elsewhere.”

Kidnapping as an Industry

Perhaps, the most dangerous trend since December 25 is the industrialisation of kidnapping. Bandits now operate like corporations: Intelligence units identify targets; Strike teams execute abductions.

Negotiators handle ransom talks; Logistics networks transport victims across forests; and Ransom payments fund weapons, recruit fighters and sustain criminal economies.

The end result: Nigeria has become one of the world’s leading kidnapping hotspots leading observers to wonder if the U.S. strike was not a mistake

Opinions among experts are divided.

While some argue that the strike was necessary to curb transnational jihadist expansion, others warn that it exposed Nigeria to the risks of becoming a new battlefield in global counterterrorism wars.

Clearly, the strike may have weakened specific militant cells but it also accelerated the fragmentation of armed groups, making Nigeria’s conflict more diffuse and harder to defeat.

Dangerous crossroads

Beyond the bombs and bullets lies a deeper crisis. Nigeria’s insecurity is fuelled by weak state presence in rural areas, unemployment and poverty, ethnic/religious tensions, land disputes, porous borders, arms proliferation, corruption and governance deficits.

Until these structural drivers are addressed, military victories may remain temporary and pyrrhic, and the country risks sliding into a prolonged era of decentralised violence, where bandits, terrorists and militias compete for territory, influence and blood.

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Germany deports 137 Nigerians in five chartered flights

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Germany deported at least 137 Nigerian citizens in five documented chartered operations between February and June 2026, according to reports sighted by The PUNCH.

The documented arrivals comprised 27 Nigerians deported in February, 37 deported directly by Germany as part of a 50-person joint European Union operation in March, and 24, 23 and 26 Nigerians deported in April, May and June, respectively, according to figures contained in reports monitored by the DERS Team and Refugees4refugees.org.

The figures indicate an increase in the use of chartered flights to return Nigerians from Germany and other European countries, with several of the operations involving cooperation among European states.

On February 18, 2026, a batch of 27 Nigerians arrived at the Lagos Cargo Airport following a deportation operation from Germany.

According to Refugees4refugees.org, the flight was operated by World2fly and departed Stuttgart before arriving in Lagos shortly before 2 pm.

The report said the operation was primarily enforced by Germany, although one person, described as severely ill and mentally unfit, was transferred from Slovakia to join the 26 people deported from Germany.

It also identified Baden-Württemberg as a major participant in the operation and said Stuttgart had hosted both the December 2025 and February 2026 deportation operations to Nigeria.

The report further alleged that while some of those deported had serious health conditions, others had lived and worked in Germany for several years.

It cited the case of a single mother and her three children who were deported from the Sindelfingen district in Stuttgart despite reportedly having documentation relating to their residence status.

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According to the report, the family subsequently returned to Germany after intervention by a volunteer and confirmation from local foreign authorities that the deportation had been made in error.

Furthermore, the February deportation also coincided with Nigeria’s participation in preparations for the Voluntary National Review of the Global Compact for Migration ahead of the 2026 International Migration Review Forum in New York.

The DERS Team said that Nigerian government agencies did not send representatives to receive the deportees at the airport, adding that the returning Nigerians were subsequently transported away from the airport without adequate assistance.

On March 10, another 50 people were deported to Nigeria in a joint EU operation hosted by Germany in cooperation with Spain, Austria and Belgium.

Germany accounted directly for 37 of the deportations, according to the figures provided.

The operation was described as the largest single deportation involving Nigerians in the three years referenced in the report.

A further 24 Nigerians, including women and a minor, were deported on April 9 on a chartered flight from Frankfurt organised through Frontex and German authorities, according to the supplied data.

In May 2026, another batch of 23 deportees was returned to Nigeria, while 26 Nigerians arrived in Lagos on June 17 following another routine chartered deportation flight.

Taken together, the five documented batches amounted to 137 Nigerians returned to the country between February and June 2026.

The figures highlight the continued use of organised charter flights in the enforcement of migration decisions involving Nigerians in Europe.

Migration rights advocates have, however, continued to argue that deportation policies should be accompanied by adequate safeguards for vulnerable people and proper procedures to prevent wrongful removal.

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While migration is as old as time itself, identified underlying factors driving irregular migration include conflict, exploitation, climate-related pressures and economic inequality.

Migration is the permanent or temporary movement of people from one place to another, changing their home. It can happen within a country or across borders, shaping populations, cultures, and job markets.

Source: punchng.com

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Adeyemi demands media, lawyers’ presence before Reps probe on PFIPC scandal

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The House of Representatives Ad Hoc Committee investigating the controversy surrounding the Presidential Foreign Investment Promotion Council is yet to decide where it will question the council’s self-appointed Director-General, Adeniyi Adeyemi, a source familiar with the committee’s proceedings has disclosed.

The development comes as Adeyemi insisted that his lawyers and journalists must be present before he submits to questioning by the House committee.

The committee, chaired by the lawmaker representing Kanke/Kanam/Pankshin Federal Constituency of Plateau State, Yusuf Gagdi, is probing how the PFIPC secured official office accommodation within the Federal Secretariat Complex in Abuja and received a budgetary allocation of more than N1.32bn in the 2026 Appropriation Act despite allegedly having no legal existence.

The investigation has attracted significant public attention following allegations that the council operated within government structures despite lacking legal recognition, raising concerns about possible lapses in public financial management and institutional oversight.

Adeyemi, who has been in police custody over the controversy surrounding the council, is expected to appear before the committee this week, following testimonies from several senior government officials.

However, as of Sunday, the venue for the much-anticipated session remained unsettled.

The source, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorised to discuss the committee’s proceedings with the media, confirmed the development in response to an inquiry by The PUNCH.

Asked whether the committee had chosen a venue for Adeyemi’s appearance, the source simply replied, “No decision yet.”

The development followed the committee’s hearings with key government officials, including the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation, Didi Walson-Jack; the Director-General of the Budget Office of the Federation, Tanimu Yakubu; the Director of Banking Services at the Central Bank of Nigeria, Hamisu Abdullahi; and representatives of the Inspector-General of Police.

The officials’ testimonies reportedly raised questions about how Adeyemi allegedly presented himself as the head of the PFIPC and secured recognition and access within government circles.

Adeyemi had, through his lawyers, indicated his willingness to appear before the committee publicly and respond to questions concerning the allegations.

However, Gagdi said the committee would determine the venue for the session at a later date.

Meanwhile, the Coalition of United Political Parties has rejected the findings of the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission on the PFIPC controversy, describing the investigation as inadequate and calling for a broader and transparent inquiry.

In an interview with our correspondent, CUPP spokesperson, Agu Bryan, said the ICPC’s report, which reportedly cleared the Presidency of wrongdoing while indicting Adeniyi Adeyemi, failed to answer critical questions about how an allegedly non-existent government agency was able to operate at such a high level.

“The ICPC probe of the Presidential Foreign Investment Promotion Council which exonerated the Presidency and indicted Adeniyi Adeyemi is nothing short of a charade,” Bryan said.

He argued that the report appeared to portray Adeyemi as having operated almost entirely alone, despite the scale of activities attributed to him.

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According to Bryan, such an operation could not have continued without assistance or enabling actions by officials within government institutions.

“As Nigerians, we know that someone could not have operated an alleged high-profile agency of such magnitude without enablers, either within the Presidency or across the government agencies involved,” he said.

Bryan called for a broader examination of the roles allegedly played by government institutions referenced in Adeyemi’s correspondence, including the Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, the Central Bank of Nigeria and the Office of the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation.

He particularly cited the testimony of the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation, Didi Walson-Jack, that her office failed to conduct due diligence on some of the documents associated with the controversial council.

The coalition also questioned how the PFIPC allegedly found its way into the national budget if, as reported by the ICPC, it had no legal foundation.

CUPP said the National Assembly and relevant government ministries owed Nigerians an explanation over how funds were appropriated to an organisation whose legal status had allegedly not been established.

“The National Assembly, particularly the House of Representatives, which appropriated funds to an agency that, according to the investigation, never existed as a creation of law, also owes Nigerians an explanation,” Bryan said.

He asked who within the Ministry of Budget and National Planning processed the budget line attributed to the PFIPC and what verification mechanisms were applied before public funds were appropriated.

CUPP also raised questions about the alleged recruitment of hundreds of staff and the extent to which Adeyemi was granted access to official government activities.

Bryan said the issues went beyond determining whether Adeyemi forged documents, arguing that investigators should establish how he allegedly gained access to government processes and institutions.

The controversy escalated after investigators reportedly established that a signature attributed to the Chief of Staff to the President, Femi Gbajabiamila, was forged.

CUPP said the finding should prompt investigators to examine other official documents and correspondence allegedly used by Adeyemi.

“It is commendable that the House and the Police have established that the signature of the Chief of Staff to the President was allegedly forged. But that raises another critical question: how many other documents, official correspondences and signatures allegedly used by Adeyemi were also forged?” Bryan asked.

He said Nigerians deserved to know the full extent of the alleged deception and whether officials responsible for verifying the credentials of individuals dealing with public institutions failed in their duties.

The coalition further questioned how the PFIPC allegedly acquired sufficient official recognition to participate in government processes and appear in the national budget.

“How did a supposedly non-existent agency attain such a level of official recognition and attention that it found its way into the national budget?” he asked.

CUPP also called for Adeyemi to be given a fair opportunity to defend himself before the House committee, arguing that a transparent confrontation with the evidence could help determine whether other individuals or institutions were involved.

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“Was Adeyemi given fair hearing thus far? Has he been given the privilege to appear before the Yusuf Gagdi-led Ad hoc Committee of the House of Representatives probing the matter to be interrogated and directly answer questions?” Bryan said.

He invoked the legal principle nemo judex in causa sua—that no person should be a judge in his own cause—in arguing that the investigation should be conducted independently and transparently.

Bryan said anything short of an open and impartial investigation would fail to satisfy public expectations.

He also criticised the ICPC’s handling of the matter and called for independent professional bodies to be considered if the Federal Government was genuinely interested in establishing the facts.

“If President Tinubu is determined to unravel the truth, independent organisations or bodies like the NBA, West African Bar Association or international or private investigators should be allowed to come in and take over the investigation,” Bryan said.

He accused federal security and anti-corruption agencies of lacking sufficient independence to investigate the controversy objectively, a claim the agencies have not accepted.

The House committee’s inquiry follows mounting concerns over how Adeyemi allegedly operated the PFIPC, secured government recognition and participated in official engagements despite questions over the organisation’s legal status.

The controversy has also drawn attention to the roles of several government institutions whose officials allegedly interacted with Adeyemi or processed documents connected to the council.

The committee is expected to hear directly from Adeyemi as it seeks to establish how the PFIPC was created, how it operated, who recognised it and whether public funds were allocated or expended in connection with its activities.

 

 

His appearance before the committee could therefore prove significant in determining whether the alleged scheme was the work of an individual or involved officials and institutions within government.

Adeyemi demands media

Adeyemi, through his lawyer, Ademola Oyedokun, had on Wednesday rejected the House committee’s decision to question him at an undisclosed location while he remains in police custody.

The committee subsequently attempted to question him on Thursday, but Adeyemi declined to respond to its questions, prompting the lawmakers to reschedule the interrogation for Monday.

However, a family source said Adeyemi had informed the committee that he would only submit to questioning if journalists and his legal representatives were allowed to be present.

“They eventually rescheduled to Monday and my brother told them that when they are coming, they should come with the media, otherwise he will not grant them audience.

“Initially, they agreed to come with the media, but later they said they would not be coming with any media. They said if he refuses to grant them audience, they will go ahead and conclude their investigation and it will be said that he was the one who failed to grant them audience,” the source said.

The development came a day after Adeyemi’s family raised concerns over an attempt by members of the House committee to question him in police custody without his lawyers present.

Adeyemi’s brother, Peter, alleged that the detained promoter declined to answer questions because his legal representatives were absent.

“The Reps committee came and wanted to interrogate him, but he refused. They are still there trying to make him talk without any of his lawyers being present. We are crying out loud so that the right thing would be done.

“He has stated that he wants to be quizzed the same way others who have accused him have spoken. It’s not that he is not willing to state his side of the story,” he said.

When contacted on whether the police were aware of the committee’s proposed visit and whether the lawmakers would be granted access to Adeyemi, the police spokesperson, Ani Ineidu, said visitors would be allowed provided they met the necessary requirements.

“Yes, if they have necessary documents. I’m not aware if they have relevant documents or authorisation, but if they fulfil the conditions, everybody who is under police custody has a right to visitors.

“So, in a case like this, if they have that right, they will be granted access,” Ineidu said.

In a statement issued on Wednesday, Oyedokun said his client welcomed the House investigation into the alleged establishment and operations of the PFIPC but opposed what he described as a closed-door interrogation.

“We have read that the committee intends to interview our client at an undisclosed date and place. We ask it, respectfully, to think again.

“Everyone else in this matter has been heard in public, and what has been said about our client was said in public. He should be allowed to answer in the same place it was said,” the lawyer stated.

The committee had on Tuesday announced that it would question Adeyemi at an undisclosed location while he remains in police custody.

The Chairman of the committee, Yusuf Gagdi, said the arrangement was necessary to avoid interfering with ongoing investigations by the Nigeria Police Force, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission.

Gagdi said the committee had invited Adeyemi but was informed by the police that he remained in custody pursuant to a court order.

He added that the National Assembly would not act in a manner that undermined the judiciary or violated the principle of separation of powers, stressing that lawmakers lacked the authority to override an existing court order directing Adeyemi’s detention.

 

 

The committee is investigating allegations surrounding the creation and operations of the PFIPC, including claims of impersonation, forgery, financial impropriety and the unlawful use of government facilities and official insignia.

Source: punchng.com

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PHOTOS: Osun-Osogbo: Priestess defends 10-year-old Arugba, dismisses child abuse claims

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The Araba of Osogbo, Ifáyemí Elébuibón, has defended the tradition of selecting a young maiden as the Arugba of the Osun-Osogbo Festival, describing the role as a privilege rather than child abuse.

This is as a priestess and custodian of Osun Osogbo also defended the practice, saying the Arugba was selected through Ifa divination from the royal lineage.


Osun-Osogbo: Priestess

Elébuibón spoke in a video interview posted on Sunday by Yoruba cultural content creator, Wàá Ṣeré, amid discussions surrounding the age and responsibilities of the 10-year-old Arugba, Princess Alimot Osunbunmi.

Arugba is the young maiden chosen to carry the sacred calabash during the annual Osun-Osogbo Festival procession to the Osun Sacred Grove.

Alimot, a member of the royal family of the Ataoja of Osogbo, was selected through traditional Ifa divination in March 2025.

She carried the sacred calabash for the first time during this year’s procession to the Osun Sacred Grove on Friday, after she was unable to do so during the 2025 festival because of her young age.


10-year-old Arugba of the Osun-Osogbo Festival, Princess Alimot Osunbunmi carries the sacred calabash at Osun Osogbo festival…Photo Credit: Dewunmi Lagos

Explaining the role and its benefit, Elébuibón said the Arugba served as a spiritual intermediary between the Osun deity and the people.

He added that the responsibility was not determined by biological age.

“You see those people saying all that? They lack understanding. They don’t know. Whoever says the Arugba is too young—this one is ten years old, but some started at five!

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“The role the Arugba plays is a role of spiritual maturity, not about physical age. What the Arugba does for the town and the community is what the white man calls a ‘medium’—an intermediary between the Orisa and the people,” he said.

Elébuibón said the young maiden could communicate the wishes of the deity to the people because of the spiritual significance attached to the position.

“As young as she is, provided she remains pure and undefiled by any man, she can wake up one morning and say, ‘Mother Osun said this and that, do this, do that, don’t do this.’”

He added that the Arugba’s spiritual development was not necessarily tied to her physical age.

“Very soon, she will mature spiritually far beyond her biological age because the Orisa themselves nourish and care for them. Her role is not about age; what she does is not about age.”


FILE: Ifayemi Elebuibon

A female priestess and culture custodian, in another video posted by culture content creator Olamide Oseyifunmii, also defended the practice, saying the Arugba was selected through Ifa divination from the royal lineage.

According to her, the chosen maiden must be a virgin and is expected to observe certain taboos associated with the role.

“Whomever Ifa chooses becomes the Arugba. The Arugba must be a girl who remains untouched, pure, and a virgin. That is strictly what the Arugba must be,” she said.

She rejected the description of the practice as child abuse, saying the young girls selected for the role were traditionally protected and treated with care.

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“Being selected as the Arugba carries taboos and honours; it is not what Westerners label as ‘child abuse’.”

The priestess said the Arugba was not expected to carry heavy loads apart from the sacred calabash during the annual procession.

She also explained the spiritual significance attached to the young maiden, saying devotees who bow before the Arugba were not worshipping the child but honouring the Osun deity believed to be represented through her.

“They were bowing to the divine spirit of Osun Ewuji inside her and upon her head,” she said.

The 2026 Osun-Osogbo Festival, which began on August 7, is being held at the Osun Sacred Grove in Osogbo, Osun State, and will run until August 19.

The annual festival, centred on the Osun deity, is one of Nigeria’s major traditional and cultural festivals and attracts worshippers, tourists and cultural enthusiasts from Nigeria and beyond.

Source: punchng.com

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