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Jonathan decries govs ‘show of force’ on Off-cycle polls

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Former President Goodluck Jonathan, the Defence Minister, Gen Christopher Musa (retd.), and senior lawyers have called for reforms to Nigeria’s approach to election security, particularly in the massive deployment of security personnel and political mobilisation witnessed during off-cycle elections.

Their separate positions followed the August 15 Osun State governorship election, where over 15,000 police personnel were deployed ahead of the poll amid the presence of several governors, political leaders and other senior government officials.

Jonathan, in a statement titled, ‘Osun and the Need to Set New Boundaries for Political Conduct in Off-Cycle Elections,’ commended the Independent National Electoral Commission, security agencies, political parties and Osun voters for the peaceful conduct of the election.

However, he raised concerns over what he described as a growing and “unwholesome” practice in which serving governors, senior political officeholders, party leaders and other influential government functionaries converge on states holding elections with large numbers of aides and security personnel.

Jonathan said, “The growing practice whereby serving governors, senior political officeholders, party leaders and other influential government functionaries, accompanied by large numbers of aides and heavy security details from outside a state, converge on states where elections are being conducted raises an issue that demands national attention.”

He said the conduct witnessed around the recent elections in Osun, Ekiti and Ondo states was unusual and “is not a practice that should become normal in a democratic society.”

The former President recalled that similar situations arose during the 2013 Anambra and 2014 Ekiti governorship elections when he was President.

“Upon being briefed, I ordered party leaders and senior government officials to leave the states immediately,” Jonathan said.

While acknowledging the right of political parties to campaign and mobilise supporters, he warned that excessive mobilisation by serving governors and senior public officials could create an atmosphere of intimidation.

“However, there is a point at which political mobilisation, particularly when it involves the overwhelming presence of serving governors, senior public officials and powerful political actors from across the country on election day, can create an atmosphere of apprehension, intimidation, bullying and undue pressure,” he said.

Jonathan questioned whether the practice was consistent with democratic competition, warning that elections should not become contests in which victory was pursued “at all costs.”

He further warned that if politicians from opposing parties began matching one another with governmental influence and security-backed mobilisation, the consequences could be damaging.

“Such a development would not strengthen our democracy. It would deepen political tensions and could make elections increasingly resemble battles for political survival rather than peaceful contests for the mandate of the people,” he said.

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Musa, on his part, said election security should not be treated as an election-day operation.

Speaking in Abuja on Tuesday through his aide on policy and strategy, Maj Gen Olufemi Akinjobi (retd.), Musa said security agencies must abandon reactive approaches and adopt intelligence-led planning months before elections.

“The lesson is clear: successful election security is not achieved through last-minute deployments. It is achieved through months of planning, intelligence-led operations, inter-agency coordination, effective communication and continuous assessment of emerging threats,” he said.

He added, “Security should never be viewed as an event. It is a process that begins long before campaigns commence and continues long after the final vote has been counted.”

Musa said the changing nature of threats meant election security could no longer be limited to the physical protection of polling units.

“Today’s threats rarely announce themselves with uniforms or conventional weapons. They emerge through cyberspace, spread through manipulated information, exploit economic hardship, inflame ethnic and religious divisions, and undermine confidence in public institutions,” he said.

The minister identified strategic intelligence, cybersecurity, civil-military coordination, unified strategic communication, a responsible information environment and citizen engagement as key pillars of election security.

Also speaking, former Zamfara State Governor, Abdul’Aziz Yari, warned politicians against using insecurity as a political tool.

“Let us encourage all political parties to understand that insecurity is not something to be traded with for the purpose of winning the hearts of citizens,” Yari said.

He argued that security was a collective responsibility involving politicians, government officials, security agencies and citizens.

“Security is not the responsibility of the security agencies alone. It is not simply about security architecture. Politicians, elites and ordinary people on the streets are all part of the solution,” he said.

On the growing security deployment during off-cycle elections, Chief Mike Ahamba (SAN) and Sampson Erugo (SAN) advocated reforms that could reduce the need for such deployments.

Ahamba said Nigeria should consider a comprehensive constitutional review rather than continue making piecemeal amendments after every election.

“I believe that the time has come for us to call a constituent assembly. We can’t keep nibbling at this constitution. We don’t know where we are again,” he said.

The senior lawyer argued that Nigeria’s electoral problem was not necessarily the laws themselves but their implementation.

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“The problem is not the document. The parchment. The problem is the selfishness of those who are running it, that’s all,” Ahamba said.

He added, “Every election, a new law. Every election, a new Act is brought forward. So is it the law that is the problem or the managers or the old law? I think it’s the managers of the law,” he said.

Ahamba said any amendment should instead focus on disciplining officials who failed to perform their duties properly, “not to change the law to accommodate another change and another change.”

Erugo, however, strongly supported the conduct of elections on the same day, saying the arrangement would reduce the security burden and political interference associated with staggered polls.

He said if the legislature ensured that all elections were held on one day, “that would indeed reduce this incidence of our use of security to intimidate opponents.”

Erugo also criticised the movement of governors between states during elections.

“You see governors from every corner of Nigeria going to another state, in an attempt to interfere with the electoral process, which is not fair. It’s not good for democracy,” he said.

He urged the National Assembly to amend the Electoral Act to allow elections to be held simultaneously, arguing that the current practice of holding presidential elections weeks before governorship polls created room for political interference.

“If you ask me, Nigerians should call on the National Assembly to quickly amend this Electoral Act so that all the elections will be held in one day,” Erugo said.

He added that simultaneous elections would force political actors to remain in their respective states and reduce opportunities for interference.

However, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, Mofesomo Tayo-Oyetibo, offered a different perspective, arguing that there was nothing inherently wrong with heavy security deployment during off-cycle elections, provided the agencies remained neutral.

Tayo-Oyetibo said the concentration of political actors, security agencies and electoral resources in a single state was a peculiar feature of off-cycle polls, adding that the state had a responsibility to protect voters, electoral officials and election materials.

“There is nothing inherently wrong with deploying adequate security personnel to an election. The state has a responsibility to protect voters, electoral officials and materials,” he said.

He, however, stressed that the deployment must be proportionate and not used to intimidate voters or create an impression that state coercive powers were available to a particular political interest.

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“The more important questions are whether the deployment is proportionate and, above all, whether the security agencies maintain strict neutrality,” he said.

The senior lawyer also said the presence of governors belonging to the All Progressives Congress or any other party at an election was not, by itself, unlawful.

According to him, political parties were entitled to mobilise their leaders to support candidates, but the situation became problematic when public office, resources or the security architecture of the state were deployed to give partisan advantage.

Tayo-Oyetibo also cautioned against assuming that the concentration of political and security presence would necessarily determine the outcome of an off-cycle election.

He cited the Osun poll, where the opposition party, despite controlling no other state, defeated the ruling party’s candidate amid intense political mobilisation.

“This demonstrates that the mere concentration of political and security presence around an off-cycle election does not necessarily determine its outcome,” he said.

On calls for all governorship elections to return to the general election cycle, Tayo-Oyetibo said this could not be achieved under the present constitutional arrangement.

He explained that governors’ tenure was constitutionally guaranteed, while the election of a successor was tied to the expiration of the incumbent’s tenure.

According to him, off-cycle elections in some states were largely consequences of earlier judicial decisions arising from disputed elections, which resulted in governors assuming office on different dates.

“Those states are therefore, in practical constitutional terms, permanently off-cycle under the present arrangement,” he said.

Tayo-Oyetibo said INEC could not simply realign election dates through an amendment to the Electoral Act because doing so would require either shortening or extending a governor’s constitutionally guaranteed tenure.

“Either course would violate the Constitution unless the Constitution itself is amended to permit the realignment,” he said.

He acknowledged that a constitutional amendment could provide a transitional mechanism for returning all governorship elections to a common cycle but said he was not convinced that such a reform was necessary.

“The more important objective should therefore not be uniformity of election dates for its own sake,” he said.

According to him, the priority should be ensuring that INEC and security agencies act independently and impartially, public resources are not deployed for partisan purposes, and all political parties and voters participate on an equal footing.

Source: punchng.com

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Nigeria @66: No ambition worth setting Nigeria ablaze, Bamidele warns politicians

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The Senate Leader, Senator Opeyemi Bamidele, has warned politicians against inflammatory rhetoric and other actions that could threaten Nigeria’s peace ahead of the 2027 general elections.

Bamidele, who is also the Chairman of the South-West Caucus in the National Assembly, urged political parties and their candidates to conduct their campaigns peacefully and in accordance with the Electoral Act, 2026 and the 1999 Constitution, as amended.

The Ekiti lawmaker spoke in a statement issued in Abuja on Thursday to commemorate Nigeria’s 66th Independence Anniversary.

He acknowledged the right of political actors to exercise their political rights, but said such rights must be exercised within the confines of the law.

Bamidele warned that political freedom did not extend to hate speech, inflammatory comments or actions capable of triggering political unrest and ethno-religious violence before, during and after the elections.

He said, “The exercise of political rights at this defining moment should be guided by the rules of the electoral contest and not by the rules of the jungle. While every aspiration is legitimate in a democracy, it should be pursued with decorum, patriotism and utmost restraint.

“No ambition is worth setting the nation ablaze. As we mark our 66th anniversary of political freedom and prepare for the 2027 elections, political parties and their candidates must conduct their activities within the ambit of the law.

“Nigeria is our collective heritage. She is greater than the political ambition of any party or candidate. Our activities must be conducted to preserve our collective heritage and not destroy what we have sustainably built.

“As political parties and their candidates campaign across the states of the federation and unveil their agenda for the future of our fatherland, such an agenda must align with the wishes and aspirations of our founding fathers.”

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The Senate Leader’s warning comes as political parties and their candidates intensify preparations for the 2027 elections, with campaigns expected to dominate the political space in the months ahead.

The electioneering period has also been accompanied by reports of intimidation and the activities of political thugs in some parts of the country, raising concerns over the conduct of the elections.

Bamidele therefore urged political actors to prioritise national unity and democratic stability over personal and partisan ambitions.

He said Nigeria’s 66 years of independence should remind political leaders of the need to protect the country’s unity and democratic institutions as they seek electoral mandates.

Source: punchng.com

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Wike reveals he’ll resign if Tinubu loses FCT, Rivers in 2027, read details

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The Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Mr Nyesom Wike, has declared that he will step down from his cabinet position if President Bola Tinubu fails to secure victory in both the FCT and Rivers State in the 2027 presidential election.

Speaking during an engagement with leadership and members of the Apo Mechanics and Traders Association in Abuja, Wike stated that his continued tenure as a cabinet minister is directly tied to his ability to deliver political results for the President in his primary areas of influence.

In a statement issued on Wednesday by the Senior Special Assistant on Public Communication and Social Media to the minister, Lere Olayinka, Wike said that should the ruling party lose in the FCT and Rivers State at the presidential poll scheduled for January 16, 2027, he will formally tender his resignation the very next day.

“If I cannot deliver where I work, then I’m not worthy to be here,” Wike said, emphasising that his political mandate required concrete electoral success.

“If I lose FCT, I’m not supposed to be FCT Minister.

By January 17, 2027, I will announce my resignation as FCT Minister should the President lose in Rivers State and the FCT,” he added.

Outlining his political strategy for the territory, Wike revealed that the administration was building a multi-party coalition to secure victory across various elective offices in the FCT.

He explicitly endorsed candidates across legislative tiers while reiterating total support for the President’s re-election bid.

“Let us be clear on direction: for the Presidency, it is Bola Ahmed Tinubu! For the Senate, Philip Aduda is a man of the people, unlike those who only appear on television. The two House of Representatives candidates we are supporting are also here. They are former Area Council chairmen.

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“In the FCT, we are running a unified coalition across parties to deliver results.

“If I cannot deliver FCT as minister, then I am not qualified to hold this office. We have a firm agreement, and today is the final affirmation,” Wike said.

Source: punchng.com

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Gombe 2027: Pantami, Mailantarki, Garry enter fresh PDP ticket battle

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CHIMA AZUBUIKE examines the political dynamics surrounding the fresh Gombe State governorship primary holding Tuesday (today), which pits former minister Isa Pantami against Khamisu Mailantarki and Usman Garry

Today, former Minister of Communications and Digital Economy, Prof. Isa Pantami; businessman and politician Khamisu Mailantarki; and Usman Garry will again hit the field to battle for the Peoples Democratic Party governorship ticket in Gombe State for the 2027 election. The fresh governorship primary election complies with an order by the Federal High Court sitting in Gombe. The court, in a judgment on September 24, nullified the May 26 primary that produced Pantami, directing the PDP to conduct another exercise within 30 days, in compliance with its Constitution, guidelines and relevant electoral laws.

The judgment delivered by Justice Amina Mohammed followed a suit filed by Usman Garry, a PDP governorship aspirant, who challenged the process through which Pantami emerged as the party’s candidate. Garry objected to the affirmation of Pantami as the standard-bearer of the Abdulrahman Mohammed-led faction and eventually filed a suit against the former minister. Garry had asked the court to set aside Pantami’s emergence because the PDP did not conduct a valid governorship primary in accordance with its rules and applicable electoral laws.

The Federal High Court nullified the process that produced Pantami and ordered the PDP to conduct a fresh primary. The court found problems with the process that produced Pantami and directed the party to repeat the exercise in accordance with its guidelines and applicable electoral laws.

Before joining the PDP, the former minister had sought the governorship ticket of the All Progressives Congress. When the APC settled on Jamilu Gwamna as its consensus candidate, Pantami withdrew from the contest and subsequently moved to the PDP. His arrival immediately altered the calculations within the opposition party.

Pantami’s impending movement to the PDP circulated while Mailantarki, Saleh Abdulkadir, Garry and Monica Kaltho were preparing for the party’s governorship contest.

Pantami will again slug it out with other aspirants, Mailantarki and Garry, who reject the former minister’s entry into the governorship ticket race.

Between Pantami, Mailantarki, and Garry

Pantami enters Tuesday’s contest as a politician whose national profile gives the primary a significance beyond the ordinary competition for a party ticket. A former Director-General of the National Information Technology Development Agency and former minister, Pantami boasts supporters who argue that his experience, networks and resources make him capable of mounting a serious challenge against the APC candidate, Gwamna.

Mohammed Kudu, a PDP chieftain, dismissed the capacity of some of the other aspirants to confront the governing party, describing Mailantarki, Saleh Abdulkadir and Garry as weak to confront the APC candidate.

Kudu said, “Who among Khamisu Mailantarki, Saleh Abdulkadir, Garry Usman has what it takes to challenge the APC? We recognise that Jamilu Gwamna is grassroots; hence, the only person that can face him, man to man, is Malam (Ali Pantami). He has made money as former Minister of Communications and Digital Economy, and as former Director-General of NITDA and as a visiting lecturer. Maybe Saleh Abdulkadir, who seems genuine, but you know he is not as wealthy as he used to be.”

He added, “He (Ali Pantami) has the capacity to defeat Gwamna of APC in a fair contest because he has international connections and he has built enough capital in both human and other resources that translate into wealth. All that will count in the build-up to the election.”

Kudu’s comments reflect one side of the political argument surrounding the PDP contest: that the party needs a candidate with sufficient political, financial and organisational resources to confront the APC.

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But that argument is contested by opponents of Pantami’s emergence.

For them, the issue is not simply whether Pantami possesses the resources or profile to contest the 2027 election. They question the circumstances surrounding his entry into the PDP and his rapid movement from APC aspirant to PDP governorship candidate.

Dr Maryam Abubakar, a policy analyst, described what she called the “unprecedented desperation” surrounding Pantami’s political journey.

She said, “How can you once say politics is dirty, only for late President Muhammadu Buhari to appoint you from NITDA to cabinet minister, and you suddenly forget your sermons where you lashed politics and politicians.”

Abubakar also questioned Pantami’s relationship with the APC before his defection.

She said the former minister, despite developing an interest in politics, failed to support the governing party sufficiently.

“Even when his interest began to manifest, he refused to empower the party members or support the party to achieve its mandate in the state. Instead, we started hearing rumours that Malam (Ali Pantami) was funding African Democratic Congress in Gombe but refused to identify with them publicly because of court cases ADC faced and alleged possible witch-hunt by the anti-graft body,” she added.

“How can you contest this week in APC and next week become a PDP candidate? It’s the height of desperation. As a technocrat and Islamic scholar, we expected a new order in the way of doing things, not doing things like regular politicians who lack ideals and purpose. What was baffling was allowing yourself to be a product of a corrupt process.”

So, the PDP held the May 26 primary amid misgivings. The decision to challenge the primary was therefore not unexpected.

Gombe’s political landscape is shaped by local structures and established political networks, while national visibility and access to influential political actors can also affect a candidate’s campaign.

The PDP’s choice will therefore be watched beyond the immediate party contest.

The Gombe PDP primary has consequently evolved from an ordinary intra-party contest into a test of how political ambition, party organisation and electoral law intersect.

Today’s exercise is, therefore, a bid to correct issues of the past. The PDP is now conducting a new nomination process, creating a fresh opportunity for all three cleared aspirants.

Although Saleh Abdulkadir was prominent in the initial contest and was mentioned among those who challenged Pantami’s emergence, the PDP’s current list of cleared aspirants for Tuesday’s primary comprises Pantami, Mailantarki and Garry.

That means the field has narrowed considerably from the wider contest that preceded the May primary.

Abdulkadir’s absence from the fresh contest further concentrates the battle among three political camps.

For the PDP, this may make the primary easier to organise, but it does not necessarily make the political dispute less complicated.

The principal disagreement remains over the process that brought Pantami into the party’s nomination race and the question of whether the fresh exercise can finally settle the matter.

For Pantami, it provides the opportunity to seek a new mandate from the party after his first nomination was nullified.

For Mailantarki and Garry, it offers the opportunity to challenge Pantami through a fresh process in which they have been cleared to participate.

And for the PDP, it presents another opportunity to conduct a process that can withstand judicial scrutiny.

Circumventing legalities

The legal questions surrounding Tuesday’s contest became complicated on September 24 when the Supreme Court restored provisions of the Electoral Act 2026 dealing with party membership registers and the nomination of candidates. The apex court upheld the validity of Sections 77(5), 77(6), 77(7) and 84(2), reversing the earlier Court of Appeal position that had voided the provisions.

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Section 77(5) requires that persons eligible to vote at party primaries must have their names contained in the membership register submitted to the Independent National Electoral Commission within the prescribed period.

The controversy followed the timing of Pantami’s movement from the APC to the PDP.

According to the account supplied by Gombe public affairs commentator, Chika Udenkwo, Pantami left the APC on May 19, while the APC primary was held on May 21 and the PDP primary took place on May 26.

Udenkwo therefore argues that the key question is not simply whether Pantami defected from the APC before the PDP primary.

The more precise question, he says, is whether Pantami’s name appeared in the PDP membership register submitted to INEC within the statutory period applicable to the May 26 primary.

He said, “Pantami left the APC on May 19. The APC primary followed on May 21. And on May 26, Pantami emerged from the PDP primary.”

He added, “The question now is not simply whether he had left the APC before joining the PDP. The more precise question is this: Was Pantami’s name contained in the PDP membership register submitted to INEC within the statutory period applicable to the May 26 primary?”

According to Udenkwo, if May 26 is used as the reference date, the 21-day period would take the relevant deadline back to May 5.

“That makes the documentary evidence critical. Was Pantami already a PDP member by that date? Was his name on the register submitted to INEC? When exactly was that register submitted? And was the same register actually used for the May 26 primary?” he asked.

Those questions, however, must be distinguished from the legal effect of the September 24 Supreme Court judgment itself.

The Supreme Court’s ruling restored the provisions; it did not, by itself, pronounce on Pantami’s individual eligibility for Tuesday’s Gombe primary.

As today’s fresh primary holds, one of the questions includes whether the party has complied with the applicable requirements for the new primary, including membership records, notice, screening, participation and its own guidelines.

The membership-register question could nevertheless become significant if a litigant argues that an aspirant or delegate was not properly qualified under the restored provisions.

On the contention, Udenkwo argued, “A victory on Tuesday would give Pantami a fresh nomination, not a reliance on the May 26 exercise that has already been nullified.

“But that victory would still have to survive any subsequent legal challenge—one based on compliance with the Electoral Act, the PDP Constitution, the court’s order, and the applicable membership register.”

He added, “In other words: winning the primary and establishing the legal validity of the nomination are related—but distinct—questions. That reasoning also applies to Mailantarki and Garry.

“If either defeats Pantami, the resulting nomination would equally be subject to the statutory and party requirements governing the fresh primary.”

For Mailantarki and Garry, Tuesday’s contest is an opportunity to reset a process that both have spent months challenging.

Their opposition to Pantami’s emergence was not limited to political statements. Their objections eventually formed part of the litigation that produced the Federal High Court’s order for a fresh primary.

The two now have to shift from challenging the previous process to competing within the new one. That presents a different political calculation.

Instead of asking the court to remove Pantami from a ticket already produced by the party, they must now persuade delegates or eligible party members to choose either of them over the former minister.

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The question therefore becomes whether the legal challenge has translated into political momentum.

Mailantarki’s position has also been affected by the withdrawal of Kaltho, who had initially been part of the challenge before later aligning with Pantami.

Kaltho’s movement altered the political arithmetic around the opposition to Pantami, leaving Mailantarki, Garry and Abdulkadir among the figures challenging the earlier emergence.

Whether that change will have an effect on Tuesday’s voting remains a political question to be answered by the primary.

A primary under scrutiny

The September 29 exercise is also taking place under a level of scrutiny that the May primary did not successfully withstand.

The Supreme Court, in its judgment, restored statutory provisions concerning party membership registers and nomination procedures.

Political observers are consequently watching not only the outcome but the process.

Tuesday’s primary presents a credibility test for the PDP.

The party has already experienced the consequences of an internal nomination process that ended in litigation.

The Federal High Court’s order provides the party with an opportunity to correct the procedural issues that led to the nullification of the earlier exercise.

Udenkwo said, “The question becomes whether the PDP has complied with the requirements applicable to this fresh primary: the membership register, notice, screening, delegate participation, and the party’s own constitution and guidelines.”

He added, “And here, the Supreme Court’s ruling makes the membership register particularly significant. The law does not merely require a party to maintain a register. It requires that register to be submitted to INEC within the prescribed period—and it restricts participation in the primary to persons whose names appear in it.”

Today, the PDP will have to be able to demonstrate compliance with the court order and the applicable electoral framework.

The scrutiny will extend to the eligibility of delegates, the party’s register and the conduct of the exercise.

Udenkwo said, “The Supreme Court has now made the statutory validity of Sections 77 and 84 clear. What it has not done is determine the factual circumstances of every candidate or every primary conducted before its judgment.”

“That leaves room for litigation—where an aspirant believes a party failed to comply with the membership-register requirements or other statutory conditions,” he added.

For now, however, the PDP’s immediate responsibility is to conduct the fresh exercise ordered by the Federal High Court.

For Pantami, Tuesday offers a second opportunity to secure the party’s ticket through a fresh primary. For Mailantarki and Garry, it offers a second opportunity to challenge him directly rather than through the previous process. For the PDP, it offers the chance to close a chapter that has already generated substantial internal disagreement and legal action.

But whether Tuesday finally closes that chapter will depend not only on who wins, but on how the party conducts the exercise.

The 2027 question

Tuesday’s primary cannot be viewed entirely in isolation from the wider 2027 contest.

The APC has already positioned Jamilu Gwamna as its candidate.

The contest is therefore framed along the line of having a candidate that can challenge the APC in the general election.

For Kudu, Pantami’s national profile and network give him the capacity to confront Gwamna.

But the argument also exposes one of the central issues before PDP delegates: whether the choice of candidate should be determined primarily by political experience, organisational structure, personal resources, grassroots networks, national connections or some combination of these factors.

Source: punchng.com

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