How a 1987 magazine cover captured Nigeria’s shocking police corruption scandal involving DSP George Iyamu and armed robber Lawrence Anini
The Cover That Shook a Nation
The image shows the ThisWeek magazine cover dated January 26, 1987, boldly featuring Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP) George Iyamu under the headline: “IYAMU: THE POLICE ON TRIAL.” This issue captured a defining moment in Nigerian history — the exposure of deep corruption within the nation’s law enforcement during the 1980s.
The story behind the cover was both sensational and tragic. It chronicled how DSP George Iyamu, once a respected officer of the Nigeria Police Force, became a symbol of betrayal when he was found guilty of collaborating with the country’s most feared armed robber at the time, Lawrence Nomanyagbon Anini, popularly known as “The Law.”
Background: A Respected Officer Turned Criminal Ally
George Iyamu was a Deputy Superintendent of Police serving in the Bendel State Police Command (now Edo and Delta States). Born in Edo State, Iyamu was known among colleagues for his intelligence and influence within the police structure.
However, his reputation began to crumble when the authorities uncovered his secret dealings with the Anini robbery gang — a group responsible for a wave of violent robberies and killings that terrorised southern Nigeria throughout 1986.
Investigations revealed that Iyamu was supplying arms, confidential information, and protection to the gang. He tipped them off about police operations and ensured their safe passage through security checkpoints. In return, he received cash and stolen goods from their operations.
For many Nigerians, the discovery of Iyamu’s involvement shattered faith in the police. The idea that a senior officer was aiding one of the most wanted criminals in the nation was both horrifying and emblematic of a system plagued by corruption.
The Anini Saga: Nigeria’s Notorious Robber
To understand the magnitude of Iyamu’s betrayal, one must recall the terror spread by Lawrence Anini, whose gang’s operations turned the streets of Benin City and surrounding areas into zones of fear.
Anini and his men carried out armed robberies, bank raids, and targeted attacks on both civilians and security personnel. Their crimes were so audacious that then-Head of State, General Ibrahim Babangida, publicly demanded from the Inspector-General of Police, Etim Inyang, “Where is Anini?” — a question that embarrassed the entire police force.
When Anini was finally captured on December 3, 1986, his arrest opened a floodgate of confessions that led investigators straight to DSP Iyamu. The police officer’s name appeared repeatedly as a protector, supplier, and insider in the criminal enterprise.
Trial and Conviction
A special military tribunal was convened in Benin City in late 1986 to try Anini, Iyamu, and other members of the gang. The trial attracted national attention, filling courtrooms and dominating headlines across Nigeria.
During the proceedings, Iyamu was accused of “procuring the commission of armed robbery and murder” — a grave charge under Nigeria’s anti-robbery laws at the time. Witnesses, including fellow gang members, testified against him, revealing how he sold weapons to the gang and shielded them from arrest.
Despite his efforts to deny the allegations, the tribunal found him guilty on January 9, 1987. His conviction symbolised a long-awaited moment of justice in a country where police misconduct often went unpunished.
Execution and National Impact
DSP George Iyamu was executed by firing squad on February 15, 1987, at the Oko Prison in Benin City. Barely six weeks later, Lawrence Anini and his right-hand man, Monday Osunbor, met the same fate on March 29, 1987.
Their executions were broadcast across the country as a public warning — a statement that corruption, even within the police, would not be tolerated. It was one of the most high-profile cases of accountability in Nigeria’s criminal justice history.
For many Nigerians, the fall of Iyamu represented both justice and tragedy: justice for the victims of Anini’s terror, and tragedy for a nation forced to confront the reality of systemic rot within its police force.
Legacy and Lessons
Nearly four decades later, the story of DSP George Iyamu remains a cautionary tale about power, corruption, and moral decay. His betrayal of the police oath damaged public trust and exposed how internal corruption can enable crime rather than prevent it.
The ThisWeek magazine cover endures as a stark reminder of this dark period — an era when the line between law enforcement and criminal enterprise blurred dangerously. It also marks one of the earliest instances of Nigerian investigative journalism helping to shape national accountability discourse.
The case pushed the government to reform aspects of police oversight and triggered renewed public demand for ethical conduct within security agencies.
Senator Ned Nwoko has broken his silence following a viral video showing his wife, actress Regina Daniels, in distress, describing her recent actions as “drug-influenced” and “unprovoked carnage.”
In a lengthy post and a short video shared on his Instagram handle #princenednwoko on Sunday, Nwoko claimed the actress was battling drug and alcohol abuse, which he said was at the root of the crisis rocking their marriage.
“Regina was not always like this. Her current battle with drugs and alcohol abuse is the root of our problem.
“She must continue her rehabilitation programme, or I fear for her life and safety,” he wrote.
The senator alleged that Regina went on a violent rampage at their home in his absence, attacking staff and destroying property.
“She slapped and hit three staff in the past 48 hours and destroyed property, including cars and windows, for no just cause.
“Now she has moved to a place where she will have unrestricted access to drugs,” the senator alleged
Nwoko said he had offered his wife two rehabilitation options in Asokoro or Jordan, “where she will not have access to drugs.”
He further alleged that the scene at home was worsened by the interference of Regina’s associates, whom he described as “drug suppliers.”
“While I took Moon to the hospital, a scene of chaos unfolded at home, orchestrated by Sammy, Regina’s main drug supplier.
“Another known supplier of drugs to Regina is the tiny evil devil called Ann,”he alleged.
His post came hours after PUNCH Online reported that a video of the actress, visibly agitated and shouting during a confrontation, had gone viral on Saturday, sparking widespread concern.
In the footage, Regina could be heard saying, “In Ned Nwoko’s house, I am nothing, but in my own house, I am a Queen. Not again. I can’t stand the violence, it’s too much.”
Her brother, Ojeogwu Samuel Danhillman, popularly known as Sammy West, also reacted angrily on Instagram, accusing Nwoko of assaulting his sister and vowing to defend her.
“Anywhere wey man dey beat woman, whether na my sister or not, I go fight with my blood,” he wrote.
The cause of the altercation remains unclear, as neither Regina nor her representatives have publicly responded to Nwoko’s allegations.
Regina Daniels, who married Nwoko in 2019, has often been in the public eye alongside the politician and businessman.
The couple’s marriage, marked by a 40-year age gap, has long drawn public attention and debate.
Many people today speak of betrayal and mistrust between the Yoruba and Igbo, but few understand the deeper context or the actual conversations that took place among the leaders of both ethnic groups.
I had the rare privilege though just a young observer who had learned “how to wash his hands” of sitting in on some of these meetings between Yoruba and Igbo elders.
One such memorable gathering took place in Owerri around 1989. There, I listened in awe as Uncle Bola Ige and other Yoruba leaders addressed claims made by some prominent Igbo figures, including Chief Mbakwe and R.B. Okafor.
The accusation? That Chief Obafemi Awolowo had promised to support the Igbo in seceding from Nigeria, and then betrayed them by not following through.
Bola Ige responded with clarity and fire. Turning to Mbakwe, he asked directly:
“You were present at the meeting between Awolowo and Ojukwu, as I was. Did Awo ever make that promise?”
He then turned to two other Yoruba and two Igbo leaders who were also present at that historical meeting.
“I have the transcripts,” he warned. None of the Igbo elders refuted him.
Awolowo, according to Ige, had never promised to follow the East into secession. What he did say was:
“If the Igbo are ever driven out of Nigeria, the Yoruba will take it seriously and reassess their own position.”
The room fell quiet. The accusation crumbled in the face of truth. The Igbo leaders did not deny this version of events.
Then came Bola Ige’s thunderous retort:
“Who are you to accuse the Yoruba of betrayal?”
He laid out a powerful chronology:
1. At Independence, Awolowo offered a joint NCNC-AG government Zik as Prime Minister, Awo as Finance Minister. Negotiations were ongoing when suddenly Zik announced a coalition with the NPC instead. The East aligned with the North to crush the West, jailing Awo and his allies.
2. In 1965, the West and East agreed to boycott the election. They reached consensus in the early hours, but by morning, the Igbo broke ranks and voted while the Yoruba held the line.
3. In 1979, post-election negotiations for a Yoruba-Igbo coalition (UPN-NPP) were underway when the NPP suddenly entered a coalition with the North’s NPN without notice.
4. In 1983, the same betrayal occurred. Yet Awolowo still sought unity. He met Zik again in Benin, pleading that only a Yoruba-Igbo alliance could rescue Nigeria. The meeting ended inconclusively, and again the East returned to align with the North.
With visible emotion, Uncle Bola continued:
“We can go on and on. But let me ask you: how many Igbo have been killed in Yoruba towns like Lagos, Ibadan, Akure, or Oshogbo?
You thrive in our cities, build your businesses here, and attend our schools yet you call us enemies.
Meanwhile, your people are regularly killed in Kaduna, Kano, Bauchi, Zaria, and your shops looted. Yet you count the North as allies. If you choose to be perpetual slaves, we cannot help you.”
The silence that followed was deafening. No one interrupted him. No one challenged the facts. The Yoruba delegation stood and ended the meeting.
I can only hope Chief C.O. Adebayo’s memoirs will someday detail that historic exchange further.
Key Takeaways:
A. The Yoruba have long extended a hand across the Niger. The Igbo, for decades, declined to take it until recently.
B. Many Igbo leaders of the 1970s to 1990s actively propagated the myth that Awolowo betrayed them, using it to solidify internal unity and distract from internal failures. The one common rallying point was hatred for the Yoruba.
C. Time is a great healer. Many Igbo reading this today may be learning, for the first time, that their leaders knew Awolowo never betrayed Ojukwu or the East during the Civil War.
A Call to Our Generation:
Even if our parents quarreled, should we, their children, inherit their grudges? Must we perpetuate old divisions in a Nigeria struggling for unity and growth?
It is time.
Time for a genuine handshake across the Niger.
Time to heal, to build, and to move forward together.
Originally shared on the “Friends Ikoyi Club 1938” Forum by Dr. Adenike Marinho
Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s running mate in Nigeria’s 1979 presidential elections was Chief Philip Umeadi, an Igbo man from Anambra State.
Umeadi was a senior lawyer and politician from the old Anambra State, and his pairing with Awolowo (a Yoruba leader) was seen as an attempt to foster Yoruba–Igbo political cooperation under the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN).
In an interview with Vanguard in 2010, Chief Ebenezer Babatope, who was 35 when he became the Director of Organisation of the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), narrated how Awolowo settled for Umeadi. Read it below:
“Did you know that Papa Awolowo contacted some of his trusted friends in the North, requesting that one of them should come and be his running-mate but they turned him down? They rejected, especially those from the Hausa-Fulani clan.
One of them who was Papa’s good friend, Papa Yahaya Gusau, he told Awolowo that it would be meaningless for him to come and be a running-mate because people are not going to vote for us. Papa (Awolowo) also contacted the late Ibrahim Tahir and Tahir said it was going to be difficult for him to team up with Papa. Papa then moved to the Middle-Belt states.
He said he would love to pick one Chia Suma. But our UPN colleagues in the Middle-Belt states then advised Papa that if you pick Chia Suma, you would only be appealing to the Tiv people and for every 30 or so miles in the Middle-Belt region, you meet a completely new tribe with different tongues so that choice was never going to achieve anything.
Papa then had to settle for the late Chief Philip Umeadi from Anambra State and said ‘if you guys won’t team up with me, then I can pick any other person from the South’ and when he picked Umeadi, people came up again to say he made a mistake by picking an Ibo man but the reality was that that was what the circumstances demanded.
Having said that, you have been part of the system for a while now, when politicians turn down the offer of being a running-mate to another person not because he is not offering a good platform or a good agenda for progress and change but because there is the feeling that he is not of the establishment, what does that say of our nation and its politics?
It’s a very terr!ble thing, very dangerøus and I tell you we have been fighting against it. Awolowo used his position in AG and UPN to prove a point. There was a time in this country that some tendencies were very pervasive and those tendencies appear to be creeping back today.
There was a time in this country when a group of people in the North, a cabal, believed that Nigeria was merely an extension of their private family compound and if you did not belong to them then you cannot make progress.
There was also a time in this country that being in the Army and not being able to speak the Hausa language was a waste of time, the same thing goes for promotion. There was a time in this country that to register a company and do business, you needed to put the name of a northerner as your chairman or a strong member of the board because they believed that the South could always be used. That is not wiped off yet, but we are now seeing semblances of the ugly past.”
