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Efunsetan Aniwura: Yoruba’s Most Powerful Woman That Ever Lived (PHOTOS)

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The story of Efunsetan Aniwura is perhaps one of the most motivating thrillers in Yoruba political history. It captivates, in the most astounding manner, the place of women in Yoruba political history. But all along, the story of Efunsetan had been written and foretold by her tormentors and painted grimly by mostly chauvinistic men.

It must be understood the context of Efunsetan’s coming into global fame, at least at this time, the World was defined as the circumference within which local people operated within a phenomenon.

The 1700s up to 1900 were centuries of great wars and arms build-up in the vast Yoruba country of old. It was a period of great revolutions and social upheavals across the Yoruba country. It saw the massive production of weapons and the importation of military hardwares by Yoruba leaders, from as far as Hambourg in Germany.

I visited the Ogedengbe of Ilesa few months ago and was thrilled by the amazing exploits of Ogedengbe, the war General who led the Ekitiparapo war and who by 1860s was importing military weapons from Europe in the prosecution of war.

To show the grandeur of the Yoruba nation, around 1880, it was reported that the then King of England had invited Ogedengbe for a state visit. England marveled at the military tactics of Ogedengbe, his command structure, his Spartan lifestyle, his mysticism and above all, his science of war which he largely derived from the painstaking study of the movement and behavior of animals in moments of ferocious encounters with death or engagement with trembling. It was at this period that a bomb was invented at Okemesi, which turned around the fortunes soldiers of Ekitiparapo war led by Ogedengbe. Contrary to widespread assumptions, the word KIRIJI actually emanated from the sound of the new weapon produced at Okemesi Ekiti. General Ogedengbe, who was in command of about 100,000 soldiers, had declined the request for a state visit to England, saying that he was too busy with state matters. In Ilesa, during my visit, I saw the picture of the then King of England which the later had sent to Ogedengbe as a mark of respect and honour.

Back to the main topic. The story of Efunsetan Aniwura is intriguing. Her date of birth remains uncertain, but she must have been born around 1790s or around that period. Yoruba epic films and folklores portray Efunsetan as a very vicious woman, filled with prejudice, a woman who died in tragic circumstances. But there are hidden thrills and heroic feat that those who wrote his history continue to undermine. There is nothing as perplexing as having the story of a great woman being relayed by men, in a society credited for not giving women any chance in socio-political affairs, especially in the primordial times, where women were seen as objects consigned to the kitchen and on the mat top. It is to the glory of Moremi, that her story definitely ignited passion in subsequent Yoruba women, one of which was Efunsetan Aniwura.

This woman of substance has been consistently portrayed as a villain who ran a Gestapo of sorrow and blood, a blood-sucker who beheaded people’s head at will. No. We must deconstruct the narrative that veiled real stories under the cover of the superiority of men over the distinction of some brave women in our troubled history. Efunsetan was the son of an Egba farmer, Ogunrin, a native of Egba Oke-Ona. She rose to become the Iyalode of Ibadan. She was the first woman to set up a flourishing agrarian economy that employed no fewer than 2000 men and women. Around 1850, worried by the spread of war and combat in the Yoruba country, she introduced infantry military training into the midst of her workers. She was said to have had her own military training in urban and guerrilla warfare after which she requested that the same training be impacted on her slaves, about 2000 of them.

The workers mainly worked in the vast farmland. They produced cash crops, cotton, groundnuts, maize and beef. She was said to be in possession of a vast dairy farm that could feed the entire Yoruba country and beyond. She traded up to Ghana and the Hausa country and even exported her produce to Europe. In her book, A History of the Yoruba ,Prof Banji Akintoye wrote about Efunsetan who she described as a rich “woman trader” that ‘had more than 2000 workers employed on her farms.” This was at a time the industrial revolution was gaining strength in Europe and agriculture had become the most industrious enterprise in Yorubaland, being one of the service points for European products.

David Hinderer, a missionary who wanted to erect a Church in Ibadan could not source human labour because all the men and women were engaged in large scale farming. The Generals of the Yoruba Army had also taken to farming to beat famine as a direct consequence of war. Hinderer wrote of his travel to Ibadan in 1853 with a caravan of traders and carriers “consisting of not less than 4000 people.” Prof Akintoye wrote “It is not unlikely that Efunsetan was the richest person in the whole of the Yoruba interior in about the late 1870s.” Efunsetan had her own pains and anguish. She had no child after several years of marriage. Unfortunately, her only daughter died in 1860 during child birth. She also adopted a son, Kumuyilo. Now, having lost her only daughter, she went into recluse and became suspicious of life and living. She even became an atheist, ignoring all the gods wondering why she should lose her only daughter.

She may have been pushed to some form of extremism. She ordered that no one among her 2000 workers must marry or have sex within and non of the girls must conceive. It came that one of the workers broke the law. She ordered that the woman be executed. No doubt that she carried out outrageous order of execution, but this was nothing compared with her heroic contributions to the economy of the Yoruba nation. Due to this act, the Aare ordered that she be brought to justice. This was just the proverbial hawk that was looking for every opportunity to clawlift the chicken.

It is believed that her persecutors merely waited for her to carry out a dastardly act as an opportunity to seek revenge against her perceived emergence as a strong and influential woman, whose mutual rival was Madam Tinubu of Lagos who was also her friend. It was at a time her own army had become a threat to the fiery army of Latoosa. How could a woman raise such a vast array of armed soldiers? There are two varying accounts of her death. One claimed Aare Latosa led a strong infantry army to lay siege on her house and instead of being overpowered, she committed suicide by drinking the Hemlock.

At this period, her army had been divided and the loyalty fractured due to the execution of some of the 2000 workers for acts inimical to her authority. The other story said Kumuyilo was bribed by Latoosa to poison her but that the attack on her was carried out in the night by two of her slaves who sneaked into her apartment through the ceiling and clubbed her. There were events that indicated that the Ibadan chiefs were unhappy with the way Efunsetan was brought on her knees. Infact, with Latoosa there was a meeting on 8th of July when the Egba leaders came to Ibadan requesting for a Commission of Inquiry on the murder of Efunsetan.

The two slaves were subsequently brought before the Ibadan traditional court on 10th of July 1874. They were impaled right at the Basorun market. Efunsetan has been painted in forbidding pictures through Yoruba history. It is time to deconstruct and give her due honour as a heroine. At death, Efunsetan’s property was declared the property of the Yoruba country. `But there were other reports that she was indeed given a befitting burial with full military honours by Ibadan military rulers, after her enforced death.

Source by:By Akinlolu Damilare a.k.a Da-Vinci, Written By: Akinlolu Da Vinci

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The Worst Civilian Rule Is Better Than The Best Military Dictatorship”-Chief Obafemi Awolowo

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The Worst Civilian Rule Is Better Than The Best Military Dictatorship”-Chief Obafemi Awolowo

In Nigeria, no military coup against a democratically elected government has ever produced a better leadership than the one they overthrew. Historically, such undemocratic change in leadership has always resulted in a worse administration. Much worse!

The only military coup that has ever led to a better government in Nigeria was a coup against another military ruler, and that was the Thursday, July 29, 1975, palace coup that toppled the Gowon government.

Not only did the Murtala/Obasanjo administration instil discipline in the nation, but it also moved Nigeria from a 1975 negative GDP growth rate of -5.2% to a 6.8% positive GDP growth rate by the time General Obasanjo handed over to President Shehu Shagari in 1979.

But from when President Shagari was overthrown on Saturday December 31, 1983, to when democracy was restored on Saturday, May 29, 1999, Nigeria retrogressively went downhill, from having an army that the late Lt. General Salihu Ibrahim described as an army of “anything can happen” to a loss of fundamental human rights, and a situation where letter bombs killed journalists, with media houses shutting down, to Nigeria losing her visa free status to the United Kingdom, to state sponsored assassinations, and looting of the Central Bank of Nigeria in an industrial scale, to the point where, but for Bernie Madoff a Nigerian military ruler, Sani Abacha, would have continued to hold the record as the world’s biggest thief!

It is easy to forget how bad things were under military rule, but let me remind Nigerians that, under the military, a minister for communications once said, “Telephones are not for the poor!” Today, even beggars have phones!

Is that an era that anybody would wish to return to?

Igbo men say tufiakwa!

The Nigerian public may never truly have an accurate count of the number of coups our nation has experienced. We can only count the ones that came to light, including the following:

The January 15, 1966 coup, successfully led by Majors Emmanuel Ifeajuna and Chukwuma ‘Kaduna’ Nzeogwu, resulted in the deaths of the top echelon of First Republic politicians from every region, except the Eastern Region, and brought Major General Thomas Aguiyi-Ironsi to power.

The July 29 1966 countercoup, which was to be led by Lt. Colonel Murtala Ramat Muhammed, but which was preempted by the Abeokuta Garrison before Murtala was ready, and led to a mutiny in which over 200 Igbo officers and men were killed, including the Head of State, Major General Thomas Aguiyi-Ironsi, and his host, Colonel Adekunle Fajuyi, who refused to give him up.

Both these coups resulted in the Nigerian Civil War, in which an estimated one million people died.

The July 29, 1975, coup, which occurred exactly nine years after the last coup, was led by Lt. Colonels Shehu Musa Yar’Adua and Joe Garba, who toppled the Gowon administration and ushered in the joint Murtala-Obasanjo government.

The February 13, 1976 coup, which was the first known unsuccessful coup in Nigeria, during which Lt. Colonel Bukar (short for Abubakar) Dimka assassinated the Head of State, General Muhammed, and his co-plotters wounded then Colonel Raymond Dumuje, thinking he was Lt. General Obasanjo.

The December 31, 1983 coup, which ended the Shagari Presidency as well as the Second Republic, was led by a group of senior officers, including Brigadiers Sani Abacha and Ibrahim Bako, among others. It resulted in Major General Muhammadu Buhari assuming power.

The August 27, 1985, palace coup, during which a group of officers known as the IBB Boys arrested the Head of State, Major General Buhari, and replaced him with his Chief of Army Staff, Major General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida, who took on the title of Military President.

The Vatsa coup of 1986, of which the Nigerian public knew very little and cannot reasonably be certain if there really was a coup or not. It was the second known unsuccessful coup, if it was indeed a real conspiracy at all.

The April 22, 1990, Orkar coup, in which Major Gideon Orkar unsuccessfully attempted to overthrow General Babangida, whose life was saved by Lt. General Abacha, who was rewarded by being promoted to a full General after the coup, the first time that Nigeria had two serving full-time Generals (IBB and Abacha). It was Nigeria’s third unsuccessful coup.

The November 17, 1993, bloodless coup, at which General Sani Abacha gently eased out the Head of the Interim National Government, Chief Ernest Shonekan, and assumed power as Military Head of State.

The March 1, 1995 Gwadabe coup, of which we cannot be reasonably sure if this was a real coup or a phantom coup, given the subsequent testimonies of Gwadabe himself, and Colonel Bello Fadile. If it were indeed a genuine plot, it would have been Nigeria’s fourth known unsuccessful coup. But I strongly doubt that this coup was real.

The December 1997 Diya coup was the only coup in Nigeria’s history where the Second-in-Command plotted against the Head of State. Despite protestations to the contrary, this was actually a genuine coup, albeit a set-up involving the then-Chief of Army Staff, Lt. Gen. Ishaya Bamaiyi, whom I interviewed at Kirikiri Maximum Security Prison in January 2000. He was very arrogant and rude. I also interviewed Major Hamza al-Mustapha and Mohammed Abacha. I found al-Mustapha to be one of the most charming, intelligent and humble fellows I had met up until then. Mohammed Abacha appeared to me to be in some sort of dazed state.

It was Nigeria’s fifth known unsuccessful coup.

The 2004 Hamza al-Mustapha coup. Al-Mustapha was accused of plotting to overthrow the Obasanjo government and was arrested. The trial dragged on, and he was released by the Umaru Musa Yar’adua administration, which abandoned his trial in 2008. It was Nigeria’s sixth known unsuccessful coup.

In total, of the coups that were made public, Nigeria has had six successful military coup d’états and six unsuccessful coups, bringing the total to 12 coups.

Apart from the very first coup, all coups in Nigeria’s history have been planned and executed, either admittedly or allegedly, by Northern military officers, including the Diya coup, which, if we are to take his word, was the brainchild of Ishaya Bamaiyi.

And hate him or love him, Nigeria owes her present political stability more or less to one man, General Olusegun Obasanjo, who ended the Nigerian Civil War on January 15, 1970, then returned the country to civil rule on October 1, 1960, before returning to stabilise the country in civil rule on May 29, 1999.

Given that the best predictor of the future is the past, any undemocratic changes of government in Nigeria would set the country back and may even, God forbid, result in another civil war.

Therefore, it is in the interest of every Nigerian, especially the media, to prioritise Nigeria and our democracy, and refrain from coup-baiting, because, as Chief Obafemi Awolowo put it, “The worst civilian rule is better than the best military dictatorship.”

That quote is all the more poignant, especially now that we have one of the best democratically elected governments in history, which has expanded Nigeria’s GDP by $67 billion in just two years, moving us from a ₦269.29 trillion economy on May 29, 2023, when Asiwaju became President, to ₦372.8 trillion today, and has equally increased our national prestige by achieving the upgrading of Nigeria’s passport from the 97th strongest in the world under General Buhari to the 88th most powerful passport on Earth today, according to the the latest Henley Passport Index.

Reno Omokri

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The Tragic Death of “Africa” — A Life Cut Short by Cult Violence at OAU

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In the late 1990s, the Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU), Ile-Ife, one of Nigeria’s most respected institutions, was shaken by a brutal and unforgettable tragedy — the murder of George Iwilade, popularly known by his nickname “Africa.” He was the Secretary-General of the Students’ Union, a brilliant student, activist, and symbol of justice on campus. His death on July 10, 1999, at the hands of cultists, marked one of the darkest moments in Nigerian university history.

Africa was known across OAU for his intelligence, courage, and outspoken defense of students’ rights. He stood fearlessly against cultism and oppression, earning respect from his peers and fear from those who thrived on violence and intimidation. But his commitment to justice made him a target. On that fateful night, around 4:30 a.m., armed cultists invaded the Awolowo Hall — the heart of student life — shooting and attacking innocent students in cold blood. Their mission was clear: silence Africa and strike fear into the student body.

When the chaos ended, the campus was left in shock. Africa and several other students lay dead, their blood staining the very halls that once echoed with chants of solidarity and activism. The killers fled into the night, but the pain and outrage they left behind burned deep in the hearts of students, parents, and the entire nation. The OAU community erupted in protest, demanding justice and an end to cult violence on campuses across Nigeria.

The government and university authorities launched investigations, and some suspects were arrested, but justice moved slowly. Despite multiple reports, court hearings, and media coverage, many believed that the full truth about Africa’s death was never completely revealed. His assassination exposed the dangerous web of cultism that had infiltrated Nigerian higher institutions — a menace that continues to threaten lives and education even today.

The murder of George “Africa” Iwilade remains a symbol of resistance and courage in the face of evil. His name lives on as a reminder that the fight against campus cultism, corruption, and violence must never end. Every July 10, those who remember him still say: “Africa may be dead, but his spirit of truth and justice lives on.”

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PHOTOS: The Story of Madam Efunroye Tinubu, businesswoman, kingmaker and the first woman to kick against British rule in Nigeria

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EFUNPOROYE Osuntinubu Olumosa, later known as Madam Efunroye Tinubu, was an astute businesswoman, kingmaker and the first woman to kick against British rule in Nigeria during the colonial era. She was a major figure in Lagos and Abeokuta (Egba) politics.

Born in 1810 in Ojokodo, currently in Ogun State, Tinubu remarried to Oba Adele Ajosun in 1833 after the death of her first husband. She moved with the exiled Oba to Badagry, which was the traditional place of refuge for Lagos monarchs.

At Badagry, she leveraged Adele’s connections and built a formidable business, dealing in tobacco, salt and slaves. Oba Adele was reinstated in 1835, but died two years after. Before his death, Tinubu had strengthened her trade with the expatriate community, the indigenous population of Lagos and Abeokuta, as well as other communities in Yoruba land.She later remarried Yesufu Bada, alias Obadina, who was Oba Oluwole’s war captain.

Tinubu had a great influence in the palace and contributed in making Akitoye, her brother-in-law, king after Oba Oluwole. In 1851, when Oba Akitoye was fully in charge of the throne, he granted Tinubu favourable commercial concessions, which made her to still trade in slaves for guns with Brazilians and Portuguese traders. She also obtained a tract of land from him, which now makes up part of the current Tinubu Square and Kakawa Street. Tinubu had so much influence over Akitoye that in 1853, two Lagos chiefs — Possu and Ajenia — rose in rebellion against him for giving Tinuba so much privilege.

With the ban on slave trade in the country, Tinubu put more efforts into internal trade, dealing in palm oil, salt, pepper and tobacco. By 1850, she was the leading middleman in the interior of Lagos.

Tinubu played prominent roles in installing and removing kings. She, however, supported Dosunmu, the son of Akitoye to ascend the throne in 1853. Under Dosunmu’s reign, Tinubu had a massive security force, composed of slaves and she sometimes executed orders usually given by the king.

In 1855, she led a campaign against the Brazilian and Sierra Leonean immigrants in Lagos for using their wealth and power against Dosunmu, and for subverting the customs of Lagos. The British Consul, Benjamin Campbell, felt threatened by Tinubus’s nationalistic acts and in 1856, instigated Dosunmu to expel Tinubu and her followers from Lagos to Abeokuta.

In Abeokuta, Tinubu identified with the United Board Management Government and expanded her business activities to include a wide range of wares, such as arms and ammunition. Her influence began to be felt in Abeokuta politics, when she contributed to the successful defence of the Egba town during the Dahomey invasion of 1863. For her support, she was given the title of Iyalode (first lady) in 1864. The title placed her in a position of power, which enabled her to boldly participate in Egba affairs.

Tinubu opposed colonial policies in Lagos. She was the first woman to play a proactive part in the resistance to British rule during the colonial period.
She died in 1887. Tinubu Square on Lagos Island, a place previously known as Independence Square, is named after her. She was buried at Ojokodo Quarters in Abeokuta.

Controversy had it that Madam Tinubu told a slave trader that “she would rather drown the slaves [20 in number] than sell them at a discount”.

She sold slaves to Brazilian and European merchants in violation of a 1852 treaty with Great Britain outlawing the slave trade in Lagos. Her economic hegemony over Lagos and secret slave trading resulted in her coming into conflict with the British, as well as other Lagos merchants. She was exiled to Abeokuta under British pressure after plotting an unsuccessful conspiracy to remove British influence from Lagos. While in Abeokuta, she helped supply the city with munition during its victorious war against the Kingdom of Dahomey, thus granting her the chieftancy title of Iyalode in her honour.

She died in Abeokuta in 1887. The landmark Tinubu Square in Lagos, Nigeria is named after her and also contains a statue of her. She also has a statue in Abeokuta, Nigeria.

Source:
Wikipedia
The Guardian- Omiko Awa
Yorubaness

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