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Lawmakers protest as NASS okays e-transmission, manual backup ahead of 2027 elections

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The National Assembly on Tuesday approved the electronic transmission of election results but retained manual collation as a backup, triggering protests, a walkout by opposition lawmakers and heated debates in both chambers ahead of the 2027 general elections.

What should have been a routine legislative correction to the Electoral Act Amendment Bill instead degenerated into one of the most dramatic sittings of the 10th Assembly, exposing deep partisan fault lines ahead of the 2027 general elections.

In the Senate, 15 lawmakers, led by Senator Enyinnaya Abaribe (ADC, Abia South), stood defiantly against a controversial proviso in Clause 60(3) that recognises the manually completed Form EC8A as the primary source of collation where electronic transmission fails.

In the House of Representatives, the minority caucus staged a walkout, accusing the Speaker Tajudeen Abbas leadership of railroading amendments and frustrating attempts to insist on mandatory real-time electronic transmission without caveats.

Outside the complex, protesters — joined by former Minister of Education, Oby Ezekwesili — accused lawmakers of attempting to dilute electoral safeguards.

President of the Senate Akpabio and Speaker of the House of Reps Abbas

By sunset, both chambers had passed versions of the bill that preserve electronic upload of polling unit results to the Independent National Electoral Commission’s Result Viewing Portal, while stopping short of making real-time transmission mandatory without exception.

At the heart of the storm lies a familiar Nigerian dilemma – whether technology alone can be trusted to safeguard democracy.

Senate torn apart

Tuesday’s Senate plenary was tense from the outset.

The Upper Chamber had earlier passed the Electoral Act (Repeal and Re-Enactment) Bill, 2026, but was compelled to rescind its decision and recommit it to the Committee of the Whole after discrepancies were identified in several clauses, including those affecting timelines for the 2027 elections already announced by the Independent National Electoral Commission.

But it was Clause 60 — dealing with the transmission and collation of election results — that ignited tempers.

The final reenacted version of the controversial clause, particularly subsection (3), reads: “The Presiding Officer shall electronically transmit the results from each polling unit to the IREV portal, and such transmission shall be done after the prescribed Form EC8A has been signed and stamped by the Presiding Officer and/or countersigned by the candidates or polling agents where available, provided that if electronic transmission fails due to communication failure, Form EC8A shall remain the primary source of collation and declaration of the result.”

Proceedings later resumed with Abaribe demanding a division on the clause, insisting that senators must publicly record their positions.

The Abia South lawmaker had attempted a similar move during last week’s emergency plenary but withdrew under pressure, which sparked criticisms within the chamber.

His renewed insistence triggered a rowdy session but Senate Leader Opeyemi Bamidele intervened, stressing that “whether he has done it or not is now in the past. But it is within his (Abaribe) rights to call for it. Let us allow him.”

But Senate President Godswill Akpabio reminded the chamber of Abaribe’s earlier aborted attempt.

“People were mocking you on social media,” Akpabio said, noting that the previous demand had been withdrawn.

Opposition senators protested immediately, arguing that the matter was properly before the chamber.

Deputy Senate President Barau Jibrin cited Order 52(6) of the Senate Standing Orders, contending that it would be out of order to revisit provisions already ruled upon by the presiding officer.

That submission sparked uproar.

Senator Sunday Karimi briefly confronted Abaribe across the aisle as voices rose.

Bamidele insisted that since he had moved a motion for rescission, previous decisions were void, and Abaribe’s demand for a division was procedurally sound.

Each time Akpabio referenced Abaribe’s earlier withdrawal in a tone some senators described as mocking, opposition lawmakers shouted him down.

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Eventually, the Senate President put the matter to a vote.

Fifty-five senators that cut across the ruling All Progressives Congress and a few opposition members — including Deputy Minority Leader Lere Oyewunmi, Wadada Aliyu (SDP, Nasarawa) and Amos Yohanna (PDP, Adamawa) — stood in support of retaining the manual backup proviso.

When those opposed to it were asked to rise, only Abaribe and 14 others stood, a development that led to the ‘ayes’ carrying the day.

For the second time in two weeks, the Senate approved electronic transmission with manual collation as a fallback.

Under the amended proviso, the manually completed and signed Form EC8A will constitute the primary basis for collation and declaration of results where electronic transmission is disrupted by network or communication challenges.

In practical terms, results will be uploaded electronically to IReV, but where technology fails, the signed paper result prevails.

2027 poll

Before the explosive division, the Senate had reversed its earlier passage of the bill.

Rising under Order 52(6), Bamidele moved that the Electoral Act (Repeal and Re-Enactment) Bill, 2026 be rescinded and recommitted.

He explained that INEC’s announcement fixing the 2027 general elections for February 2027 had triggered fresh concerns.

Stakeholders argued that the proposed date conflicted with Clause 28 of the bill, which required elections to be scheduled at least 360 days before the expiration of tenure.

There were also concerns that February 2027 would fall within Ramadan, potentially affecting voter turnout and logistics.

Following the debate, the Senate amended Clause 28, reducing the mandatory notice period from 360 days to 300 days.

The revised clause now requires INEC to publish notice of election not later than 300 days before polling.

The 60-day reduction grants INEC flexibility to schedule presidential and National Assembly elections between late December 2026 and January 2027.

Lawmakers said the adjustment was necessary to accommodate religious sensitivities and logistical realities.

The motion also corrected discrepancies in the bill’s Long Title and multiple clauses — including Clauses 6, 9, 10, 22, 23, 28, 29, 32, 42, 47, 51, 60, 62, 64, 65, 73, 77, 86, 87, 89, 93 and 143.

‘Act of patriotism’

After the division, Akpabio struck a conciliatory tone that saw him praising both the minority and majority blocs.

According to him, the dissenting lawmakers demonstrated courage despite being outnumbered, proving that democracy was at work.

He said, “Let me thank distinguished senators for their act of patriotism and display of democracy, particularly by those who had the courage even in the face of an overwhelming majority to stand up and to answer your father’s name by showing so much courage to vote against a proviso in 60 (3).

“Your minority status notwithstanding, you showed overwhelming courage. You were able to prove that democracy works. I also want to thank those who voted for the proviso to remain, as you have saved democracy by making sure that we don’t go on continuous reruns and repeats of elections by ensuring that the primary mode of election results is the form EC8A.

“I want to also thank the Senate for introducing electronic transmission of polling unit results through the portal to the IReV, which will now make it possible for election monitors, including foreigners, who monitor our results, who are not able to visit the 176,000 plus polling units in Nigeria, to see the polling unit results dropping into the IReV.”

Akpabio further described the introduction of electronic transmission of polling unit results to the IReV portal as a landmark innovation since 1960, noting that it would allow election observers, including foreign monitors, to track results in real time without physically visiting polling units.

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The Senate President reiterated that elections are won and lost at polling units, not collation centres, hence the emphasis on properly completed and signed polling unit results as the foundation of the process.

“This is a major innovation since 1960, which is still a stance to be applauded. I also want to thank you for noting that elections are done in the polling units.

“Elections are not done at the collation centres. That is why you insisted that the polling unit results filled by presiding officers and co-signed by the polling clerk as well as agents of candidates and political parties, where available, remain the primary mode of collation of all results in Nigeria.

“I thank you for your innovation that we should undertake in the future, so that there is only direct consensus in our primary system because this will enable all the party people to partake in the choice of their candidates,” he stated.

However, Akpabio was silent on whether the earlier February 20, 2027 presidential poll date would be officially shifted.

Reps minority walkout

If the Senate session was explosive, the House sitting was equally dramatic.

The chamber descended into chaos when Francis Waive moved a motion for rescission of the Electoral Act (Amendment) Bill, 2025.

Speaking on the motion, Waive said, “The House is aware that a Technical Committee comprising the leadership of both chambers, members of the Conference Committee, the Clerks of the Senate and the House of Representatives and legal drafting experts from the Directorate of Legal Services of the National Assembly, met to harmonise and address the identified anomalies.

“We recognise the imperative of ensuring electoral timelines and statutory provisions, promote maximum participation, fairness, inclusivity, administrative efficiency and public confidence in the electoral system.

“Desirous of correcting the identified inconsistencies and unintended consequences through appropriate legislative action in order to safeguard the integrity of the Electoral framework; the House resolved to rescind the decision on the Electoral Act (Amendment) Bill, 2025, and recommit the same to the Committee of the Whole for consideration.”

When Speaker Abbas called for a voice vote, majority voices shouted “nay.”

But the Speaker ruled in favour of the “ayes,” triggering outrage from opposition lawmakers.

As tempers flared, the House went into executive session.

When plenary resumed, Deputy Speaker Benjamin Kalu attempted to proceed clause by clause.

Opposition members rose in protest, shouting “APC-ole,” “clause by clause,” and “the Speaker should take over.”

Moments later, Minority Leader Kingsley Chinda led opposition lawmakers out of the chamber.

Addressing journalists, Chinda said, “As a caucus, we want to clearly register our position and protect it, with particular reference to Section 60 (3), which has to do with electronic transmission.

“Our position is that elections shall and should be transmitted electronically. We are against any clause that will give room for any legislation, rigging or leeway for any untoward act.

“We have asked that the clause should remain solely for electronic transmission without any condition.

“We have also proposed where there is a conflict between the form EC8A, which is capable of being manipulated, and the electronically transmitted result, the electronically transmitted result should prevail.”

He alleged APC lawmakers frustrated the amendments.

“These positions (proposed amendments) were turned down, and we are aware that they were turned down by members of the APC, not on grounds of patriotism, but on grounds of political party affiliation,” he said.

On the walkout, he added, “After the plenary or whatever that happened on the floor, we felt it was better to register our position with Nigeria. We had to leave the plenary to address these issues.”

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Indirect primaries row

Another flashpoint was Section 84, an amended version that recognises only direct primaries and consensus, striking out indirect primaries.

But Chinda objected, saying, “There is also Section 84, which has to do with primary elections. Our position remains that methods of selection of candidates should be the internal affairs of political parties.

“Political party should be allowed to determine what method they want to adopt on the selection of candidates that will represent them, not to be cocooned to either direct primaries or whatever.

“We support that parties should be allowed to adopt the method that best serve them whether it is direct, indirect primaries or consensus,” he added.

Ezekwesili joins protesters

Outside the complex, ex-minister Oby Ezekwesili joined the demonstrators.

“I have been particularly loud in stating that if the Senate gets away with a provision that is ambiguous, that gives power of discretion to determine the ifs and the buts, instead of making the clause mandatory; that every vote must count in this country,” she said.

“The way that our votes will count is to have this mandatory provision that makes it the core principle of our electoral transparency. No longer shall our votes be subject to the kinds of cancellations of results that we saw in previous elections.

“The only reason they don’t want transparency through the mandatory provision for there to be instant, real-time, electronic transmission of the results is because they want to continue to capture our democracy.

“The society is labouring under the weight of poor governance that we have seen so far in our democracy. And so we as citizens are saying, stop any coup against this democracy. Stop it.”

Abbas vs lawmakers

Behind the scenes, fresh details emerged of how Speaker Abbas convinced reluctant members to consider the bill.

A House member told The PUNCH that many lawmakers were angry over poor funding of capital components of the 2024 and 2025 budgets.

He said, “The speaker begged relentlessly for members to allow for Electoral Act consideration. Members later agreed with the agreement to shut down any subsequent consideration on resumption of plenary on February 24, unless the budgets are funded.

“Initially, members didn’t want to consider anything today (Tuesday).”

The compromise averted a boycott — but not the rebellion that followed.

With the conference committee already set up to reconcile differences between both chambers, the bill now moves toward harmonisation before transmission to the President.

Following the outrage that greeted the passage of the bill by both chambers, the House of Reps spokesman Akin Rotimi defended the process.

He said, “The House leadership consulted extensively, which formed the basis of a lot of the provisions that you saw earlier today (Tuesday). When you have a conference committee, it only considers the provisions in either the Senate or the House.

“INEC acted within the provisions of the extant law. But you need to be able to walk around those provisions to allow for more flexibility for INEC to be able to fix the timetable while keeping with the provisions of the law.”

He added that the rowdy session was democracy in action and that “the majority carries the day.”

Yet the images of senators standing in defiance, opposition lawmakers chanting before walking out, and protesters massed outside the gates tell a more complex story.

With barely a year before the 2027 general elections enter full campaign mode, the battle over Clause 60 has become more than a technical debate about transmission modes.

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Step-by-step guide for contactless passport renewal for Nigerians abroad

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The Nigeria Immigration Service has released an updated step-by-step guide for Nigerians living abroad to renew their passports through its Contactless Passport Application System.

The Service announced the update in a post on its official X handle on Tuesday, encouraging Nigerians in the diaspora to take advantage of the digital platform.

According to the Service, the application process involves the following steps:

1. Visit the official NIS Passport Application portal.
2. Select Continue from the pop-up window.
3. Click Apply for Renewal/Re-issue.
4. Create an account and verify your identity using your National Identification Number and date of birth.
5. Complete the application form and choose your preferred processing embassy or high commission.
6. Upload the required documents.
7. Pay the passport fee for your selected booklet.
8. Obtain your Application ID and Reference Number.
9. Select the Contactless option under the Application Status/Book Appointment section.
10. Review the contactless instructions and click “I Understand and Opt In.”
11. Download the NIS Mobile App.
12. Log in or create a profile on the app.
13. Select Passport Application Services.
14. Click Passport Biometrics Enrolment, enter your Application ID and Reference Number, and check your eligibility.
15. Capture your facial image and fingerprints.
16. Complete the liveness verification.
17. Pay the contactless service fee.
18. Submit your biometrics.

The Service, however, noted that not all applicants would qualify for the contactless process.

“If response is INELIGIBLE, then it means applicant should return to the landing page of the portal to book physical appointment at the Embassy/High Commission,” it stated.

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For applicants who successfully complete the contactless biometric enrolment, the NIS said additional documents must be forwarded to the selected processing mission.

“Upon successful completion of biometrics via Contactless App, applicant should print-out the Application form, passport booklet payment, biometric payment, current Passport and enclose all in a self-addressed return envelope to the processing embassy selected during the application process,” the Service said.

It added that applicants would be able to monitor the progress of their applications after submission.

“Applicant may track successful application two weeks after submission via https://track.immigration.gov.ng or on the NIS Mobile App,” the Service added.

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PFIPC scandal: Ex-SGF Babachir Lawal suspects ‘big racket’ behind ‘fake’ agency’s budget code

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A former Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Babachir Lawal, has called for a judicial inquiry into the controversy surrounding the alleged fake Presidential Fiscal and Infrastructure Projects Council (PFIPC), arguing that the scandal points to deep institutional failures rather than a simple administrative error.

Speaking in an interview with ARISE NEWS on Monday, Lawal said the circumstances surrounding the alleged agency suggested the existence of a wider network that enabled it to function within government processes despite questions over its legal status.

He insisted that an administrative investigation alone would be insufficient. “I don’t think it should even be administrative alone; it should be a judicial inquiry”, the former SGF clearly stated.

Lawal questioned claims surrounding an alleged ₦27.5bn take-off grant reportedly linked to the agency, asking how such funds could have been approved and released if the organisation had no legal basis.

“Nigerians are talking about how N1.3bn was inserted into the budget. The man himself first said the quarrel came about because he refused to part with 48% of the 27-point-something billion Naira take-off grant. That money has been spent before this budget office was looking for the budget.

“Who gave him the money? It was not appropriated for; it’s not in any budget, that N27.5bn Naira for which he says somebody demanded 48%. Who gave him the money? How did the process of generating the request for the release come up? How did it go through?

“We are just talking about the tip of the iceberg here. Down there, before we got to here, N27.5bn had already been disbursed, according to him, as a take-off grant. How did that money get to him? It was not in the budget. So this is what should frighten us. If such money can go to a fictitious organisation, we only now begin to see it when we are quarrelling about how it got into the budget. How did that money get to them?”, Babachir queried.

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The former SGF argued that the controversy only became public because of disagreements over the sharing of funds rather than because government oversight mechanisms functioned effectively.

He continued,… “So you see, that’s how we got to know this to start with. That is the reason why we got to know this on his side of the coin. It’s about the sharing of the N27.5bn. That’s why the thing came up. So it didn’t work. It should have worked before that money left the government coffers into the account of the agency.”

Lawal also alleged that the scandal reflected broader institutional weaknesses within the current administration, arguing that the Office of the SGF should have detected any irregularities before the matter progressed through official channels.

He maintained that the SGF’s office bears responsibility for identifying and flagging agencies without legal backing before their requests or budgets proceed through government.

He said, “It’s institutional compromise, because in this, I sense there’s quite a big racket going on somewhere along the line. If the agency was created by maybe one big man alone, and then he wants to go through the budget process, the budget office assigns the budget code according to the chart of accounts in GIFMIS. So, how did they manage to assign the budget code for this agency that does not exist? Who inserted it?

“Because first of all, the budget office issues a budget call circular to MDAs, and everybody starts to prepare his budget according to the budget line. They give you ceilings, and you prepare your budget and forward it to the budget office as an agency or ministry. Now, the Ministry of Budget and Planning would, in our time, call every MDA to come and defend its budget. Now, if you don’t exist, how did they recognise that you are a genuine entity? Who gave out the budget code and allowed their budget to pass?

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“That’s what oversight is. The SGF should be able to know, because before it gets to the National Assembly, that budget goes through the SGF. Unless there’s a dereliction of duty by the SGF’s office, the responsibility to flag that this is a fake agency would have come from them.”

Lawal further criticised the National Assembly, accusing lawmakers of failing to thoroughly scrutinise budget proposals.

“It is a legislative oversight. This government—this National Assembly—has no interest in scrutinising the budget that comes before them. Most of the legislators just go in there to earn their salaries and collect allowances and go. They don’t scrutinise the budget line by line. We all know how this particular government works. There are some people that when they talk, nobody else has the authority to contravene.”

He also suggested that public attention should focus not only on the agency’s legal status but on the individuals who allegedly enabled its operations.

“Why are you interested in N27.5bn that had already been collected and spent? We are talking about an agency that we are claiming doesn’t exist. Maybe it exists, but it doesn’t have a legal framework for its existence. But it exists. And there are a lot of powerful people that make sure it exists in that form.

“Those are the people we need to expose. The Chief of Staff, in particular, is so powerful. The SGF is there, just reneging on his responsibilities. And nothing has happened now”, he concluded.

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Fake Agency Scandal: Gbajabiamila threatens Adeyemi with N10bn defamation suit

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Chief of Staff to the President, Femi Gbajabiamila, ha threatened to initiate legal steps against Prince Adeniyi Adeyemi, and demand N10 billion in damages over allegations linking him to murder, bribery and other criminal activities.

The move was conveyed in a letter dated July 6, 2026, signed by Senior Advocate of Nigeria, Kemi Pinheiro, on behalf of Pinheiro LP, the Chief of Staff’s legal representatives.

The dispute stems from a press conference held by Adeyemi on June 25, during which he accused Gbajabiamila of seeking a share of the alleged take-off funds of the Presidential Foreign Intervention Promotion Council (PFIPC), receiving money through intermediaries, abusing his office and participating in efforts to conceal wrongdoing.Death & Tragedy

During the briefing, Adeyemi also referred to the Chief of Staff as “a murderer” and “an assassin”.

The Presidency has consistently maintained that the PFIPC is a fictitious organisation, despite its appearance in the 2026 Appropriation Act.

Gbajabiamila’s lawyers dismissed all the allegations as entirely false and defamatory, saying they were intended to damage his reputation.

The letter stated: “not only false but gravely defamatory,” adding that the allegations were “designed to portray our client as corrupt, dishonest, criminally culpable, morally bankrupt, administratively incompetent, a murderer and unfit to occupy public office.”

According to the legal team, Adeyemi is already standing trial before the Federal High Court in Abuja in Charge No. FHC/ABJ/CR/652/2026, FRN v. Prince Adeniyi Adeyemi Matthew & Ors, over allegations including forgery of an appointment letter bearing Gbajabiamila’s purported signature and the alleged counterfeiting of Presidential letter-headed papers to present himself as a government official.Nigeria Investment Guide

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The lawyers further rejected Adeyemi’s claims that Gbajabiamila demanded 48 per cent of a purported N27.4 billion take-off grant for the council, amounting to about N12.5 billion, or that he received N400 million through proxies connected to appointments within the organisation.

Other allegations dismissed in the letter included claims that the Chief of Staff intimidated individuals and media organisations, manipulated budget processes, attempted to misuse security agencies and performed official duties while under the influence of intoxicating substances.Trending News Feed

Gbajabiamila also denied ever having any relationship with Adeyemi.

“You have never at any time met, interacted with, communicated with, or had any form of personal or official dealing whatsoever with him,” the lawyers wrote, adding that the decision to “fabricate and publish allegations against a person with whom you have had absolutely no relationship or interaction underscores the reckless, baseless and malicious nature of your publication.”

The legal team also criticised the timing of the allegations, noting that they were made after criminal proceedings had already been instituted against Adeyemi.

“It is even more disturbing to our client that you resorted to defaming him through your press statements after a criminal Charge had been filed against you,” the letter stated.

It added, “Trial by media remains unknown to Nigerian law and cannot be a substitute for due process.”Nigeria Investment Guide

Gbajabiamila’s lawyers demanded that Adeyemi immediately stop making further defamatory statements, remove all related videos, recordings and transcripts from every platform, issue a full retraction and apology in at least five national newspapers and across all social media platforms used to circulate the claims, and provide a written undertaking that he would refrain from making further allegations.

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The letter warned that failure to comply would result in both criminal defamation proceedings under the laws of the Federal Capital Territory and a civil lawsuit seeking N10 billion in aggravated and exemplary damages. The damages, it said, would be donated to a charity chosen by Gbajabiamila. The legal action would also seek a perpetual injunction and a court order compelling the publication of an apology.

The controversy centres on the PFIPC, which was listed in the 2026 Appropriation Act under the title Presidential Economic Advisory Council/Presidential Foreign Intervention Promotion Council and received more than N1.3 billion in budgetary allocations, including about N803 million for personnel, N200 million for overhead and N300 million for capital expenditure.

Adeyemi had argued during his June 25 press conference that an agency included in a budget signed by the President could not be regarded as non-existent.

However, the Presidency insists the council is fraudulent and has no legal existence.

Meanwhile, human rights lawyer Femi Falana has argued that the Presidency lacks the constitutional authority to clear anyone involved in the dispute and has called for an independent investigation into the allegations against both Gbajabiamila and Adeyemi.

Adeyemi is scheduled to appear before the Federal High Court on July 27, 2026.

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