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Royal rumble: Inside power struggle rocking Oyo Obas’ council

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After a nearly 15-year hiatus, Oyo State Governor Seyi Makinde reinaugurated the Oyo State Council of Obas and Chiefs. Rather than signalling a calm restoration of tradition, the event reopened old wounds, reignited long-standing rivalries and laid bare deep fractures within Yorubaland’s royal hierarchy. At the heart of the renewed tension lies a familiar and unresolved question that has haunted Oyo State for decades: who truly leads the traditional order? LAOLU AFOLABI writes

The traditional institution predates Nigeria’s present civilian administration, rooted firmly in history, custom and long-established norms that emphasise the hierarchy of stools. Authority within the system is neither arbitrary nor symbolic; it is defined by lineage, precedent and centuries of cultural practice. In Oyo State, this sense of order has always rested on the acknowledged preeminence of certain stools over others.

Before the creation of Osun State, this hierarchy often played out as a contest of supremacy between the Alaafin of Oyo and the Ooni of Ife. Both traditional stools drew on history, mythology and political influence to assert primacy within the Yoruba traditional order. When Osun State was carved out in 1991, it was widely believed that the rivalry would naturally subside, with jurisdictions clearly separated and the question of supremacy settled.

Instead, the issue refused to fade. What many expected to die a natural death gradually evolved into a national talking point. Decades after the split, disputes over superiority within the traditional hierarchy have persisted, fuelling rival claims and casting a long shadow over royal institutions in Oyo State.

Governments and royal minefield

Both military and civilian governments have, at various times, been compelled to intervene in disputes within the traditional institution, often acting with extreme caution. Such conflicts have repeatedly proved to be political banana peels, tripping up administrations and leaving lasting controversies in their wake.

Under the military administration of Major-General Adeyinka Adebayo in the then Western State, the government was forced to navigate a series of crises before eventually resolving the coronation of Oba Lamidi Adeyemi as the Alaafin of Oyo. Similarly, another former military governor, Colonel David Jemibewon — as he then was, before retiring as a Major-General — had to tread carefully while intervening in the crowning of the Olubadan of Ibadanland and the Soun of Ogbomoso in 1976.

In his book, “A Combatant in Service,” Jemibewon detailed the heated agitation for beaded crowns for both monarchs and how he was eventually able to resolve, through restraint, wide consultations and consensus-building. He recalled the bitter rivalries and the controversy generated, particularly between the Alaafin and the Soun of Ogbomoso.

He stated, “I proceeded with my inquiries and investigations by travelling to Oyo and Ile-Ife to seek the advice of the Alafin of Oyo and the Ooni of Ife on this burning issue of traditional importance. In retrospect, I cannot remember the frequency with which I shuttled between Oyo and Ile-Ife – but it must have been quite considerable – to ensure that I left no stone unturned in my anxiety to preserve the custom and tradition of the Yoruba people while at the same time fulfilling the aspirations of the Ibadan people.

Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Akeem Owoade. Credit: Palace Media

“Another step I took was to place the issue before the Council of Obas and Chiefs and to ask for their advice and recommendations. Having received the blessing of this august body, I proceeded to table the matter before my executive council. On approval being obtained, I had no further hesitation in conveying to the Olubadan permission to proceed with the ceremony and celebrations of wearing a beaded crown.”

With the successful negotiation and statesmanship displayed by the military governor, the then Olubadan, Oba Gbadamosi Adebimpe, became the first Olubadan to wear the beaded crown in 1976. Jemibewon also successfully resolved the rift between the Alaafin of Oyo and the Soun of Ogbomoso, consulting leading monarchs across the state and resisting attempts by political actors to derail the process. At the end, both the Soun and the Olubadan were ultimately approved to wear beaded crowns.

With the Ooni out of the picture in the Oyo State issue, the rivalry between the Alaafin, on one end, and the Olubadan and the Soun on the other, continued to intensify by the day. Alaafin, who assumed the position of permanent chairman of the council after Ooni’s exit, had to deal with agitation from the Olubadan and Soun over the rotation of the position.

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How Alaafin throne lost permanent leadership

For decades, the Alaafin of Oyo was the permanent chairman of the Council of Obas and Chiefs — a position anchored in the political and military dominance of the old Oyo Empire. However, there was a new arrangement introduced in 2004 by ex-Governor Rashidi Ladoja (now Olubadan of Ibadan), who decentralised the council into zones. Another former governor, Adebayo Alao-Akala (now late), restored Alaafin’s leadership in 2007 when he assumed office. But that did not last long. The story changed in 2011, during the twilight of the administration of late Governor Alao-Akala, when a rotational chairmanship was introduced among the Alaafin, the Olubadan, and the Soun of Ogbomosoland.

The reform was officially framed as a reflection of post-empire realities and an attempt to reduce perceptions of domination. However, critics alleged that the move was a vindictive act against Alaafin for failing to support the governor’s second-term ambition.

The amendment elevated some traditional rulers and redefined roles that had long been settled by custom, provoking resistance from factions who viewed the changes as an affront to history and hierarchy.

Official correspondence at the time indicated that the chairmanship would rotate every two years, with the late Olubadan, Oba Samuel Odulana Odugade, assuming chairmanship. The late Soun of Ogbomoso, Oba Oyewunmi Ajagungbade, was scheduled to assume the position in May 2013, while the late Alaafin, Oba Lamidi Adeyemi, was to assume chairmanship in May 2015. The order was Olubadan- Soun-Alaafin.

But council meetings soon collapsed. When the council was first convened under the new legal framework, shortly after the late Governor Abiola Ajimobi assumed office, what should have been a ceremonial gathering degenerated into chaos, with heated exchanges and physical confrontations, forcing the meeting to end abruptly. That was the last time the council was convened.

That moment of fisticuffs did more than disrupt a sitting; it froze the institution itself. The council slipped into a prolonged hiatus, its chambers silent as lawsuits piled up, tempers hardened, and rival royal camps entrenched their positions.

Council suspended, institution paralysed

The immediate spark for the suspension came from the Oyo State Government’s decision to halt monthly meetings of the council, citing a pending court case. In a letter sighted by The PUNCH and signed by the then-Secretary to the State Government, Akin Olajide, addressed to the Alaepata of Igboho, Oba Johnson Oyeyiola, JP, the government said the suspension was necessary due to a pending court case. Other members of the council, as it was then constituted, got their copy of the letter.

The case, filed by the Alaafin of Oyo and other traditional rulers, challenged amendments to the Council of Obas and Chiefs Law. The suit (HOY/32/2011), which has lingered at the Oyo State High Court since 2011, questions leadership arrangements under the amended law.

The government said it was merely maintaining the status quo and respecting constitutional order until the court delivers judgment.

Beyond symbolism, the suspension had practical consequences. Promotions of traditional rulers stalled, as such elevations required council ratification before the governor’s approval.

It was not until Thursday, January 15, 2026, under Governor Seyi Makinde, that the long-dormant council was finally reconvened. Yet the reopening did not close old chapters. Instead, it revived unresolved grievances, reminding all stakeholders that, in Oyo State, questions of tradition, law and supremacy rarely remain buried.

2025 gamble and fierce pushback

In 2025, the Oyo State House of Assembly attempted to restore Alaafin as permanent chairman through a further amendment bill. That move was fiercely resisted, particularly in Ibadan and Ogbomoso.

The proposed amendments also sought to empower the governor to elevate some traditional rulers to bead-wearing Obas if the council failed to meet, a significant departure from established procedure.

Hitherto, only the council is empowered to deliberate and do the promotion, subject to the approval of the governor.

However, the inability of the council to meet due to litigations over the issue of permanent chairmanship had delayed several promotions to higher class and approval of beaded crowns for some thrones.

Traditional leaders and stakeholders from Ibadan and Ogbomoso argued that restoring permanent chairmanship would amount to historical revisionism. They insisted that after the fall of the Oyo Empire in 1837, power became more diffused, with Ibadan and Ogbomoso emerging as influential centres.

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Mogajis and palace representatives from the two towns issued coordinated statements rejecting what they described as an affront to equity. Rather than an overt alliance, Ibadan and Ogbomoso found common cause in resisting Alaafin-only leadership. Their arguments — cultural, historical, and political — resonated with lawmakers.

By May 2025, following the intense lobbying and petitions, the Assembly retained the rotational system. This followed the adoption of a report by the House Committee on Local Government, Chieftaincy Matters, and State Honours, chaired by Vice Chairman Bamidele Adeola.

The passage was not without a crisis, as members of the Assembly from the Oyo zone staged a walkout and refused to participate in the exercise.

Following the passage, the Speaker of the House, Debo Ogundoyin, confirmed one week later that the assembly had yet to forward the bill to Makinde for assent, amid mounting opposition from stakeholders.

An informed source within the Assembly disclosed that several petitions and letters were submitted to the Speaker’s office before the end of the workweek.

“We are still working on one or two things. We continued to receive petitions, letters, and reactions from some aggrieved stakeholders. Though the Assembly has completed its role, having passed the bill through the third reading, we can no longer deliberate on it unless the governor withholds assent and returns it with suggested amendments. That is now the only route for reconsideration,” the informed source had told The PUNCH.

Prior to the deliberation, the Olugbon of Orile-Igbon, the Vice Chairman of the Oyo State Council of Obas and Chiefs, Oba Francis Alao, had called for caution on the proposed amendment of the Chiefs Law. In a memorandum he submitted in 2023 at the public hearing by the House of Assembly on the proposed amendment, he noted that the amendment may be a recipe for unnecessary communal clashes and border disputes, pointing out that the proposal did not take the customs and traditions of the people into consideration.

Oba Alao cautioned against giving the governor unrestricted power to elevate traditional rulers and chiefs without recourse to the council.

Makinde’s intervention, unanswered questions

On Thursday, January 15, 2026, Governor Makinde inaugurated the council under the amended law passed by the state House of Assembly in 2025. The inauguration, held at the House of Chiefs in Ibadan, was notable for the absence of the Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Akeem Owoade.

The Olubadan of Ibadanland, Oba Rashidi Ladoja, emerged as chairman under a rotational arrangement. The governor said the chairmanship would rotate among the Olubadan, the Alaafin, and the Soun of Ogbomosoland, beginning with the Olubadan.

According to the governor, the arrangement was the outcome of consultations with the three first-class monarchs. However, Alaafin’s palace swiftly disputed that claim.

“There was no time that His Imperial Majesty held any meeting with either the governor or the two traditional rulers mentioned. The Alaafin did not endorse rotational chairmanship, as the position of Oyo was clearly outlined in a memo submitted by the Oyo Council of Elders,” the palace said in a statement signed by the monarch’s media aide, Bode Durojaye.

Compounding the tension was the manner of the invitation. A highly-informed source, who spoke on condition of anonymity because of the controversy over the issue, said the Alaafin received notice of the inauguration around 9:30 pm on January 14, for an event scheduled the next morning.

The source also told The PUNCH that many other monarchs confirmed the receipt of the invitation via WhatsApp at almost exactly the same time as claimed by the Alaafin.

Governor Makinde defended the inauguration, insisting that reviving the council was necessary for governance. He asked, “For 15 years, we have not had a Council of Obas and Chiefs. And if we don’t have a council, how do we play an active role as a state?”

The governor argued that division would have been the easiest option, but said his administration chose consensus instead.

But aside from the unresolved disputes over council leadership, the membership of the council remains in doubt.

A public affairs commentator, Adetayo Adekunle, asked pointedly: “Which law did the governor rely on? No one has seen it.”

According to him, no one can verify the membership of the council as it is constituted, according to the law. He said until the amended legislation is published and made available for public scrutiny, the council’s legitimacy will remain contested.

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Reports indicate that the bill passed by the Oyo Assembly had some inconsistencies.  For instance, in Afijio Local Government Area, the Akibio of Ilora, the Onifiditi of Fiditi, the Oniware of Iware, the Onimini of Imini and the Baale of Oluwaredo traditionally rotated membership of the council under the old order. However, the new bill passed by the House of Assembly reportedly made the Akibio of Ilora a permanent member, to the exclusion of the others.

In Oorelope Local Government Area, the Alepata of Igboho was a permanent member under the old order. Under the new arrangement, however, the position is to rotate among the Alepata, the Onigboho and the Ona-Onibode, all of Igboho.

Several long-standing members — including the Onijaye, Oniroko, and Onilalupon — were removed to accommodate the 11 Ibadan obas previously promoted by the late Governor Ajimobi and gazetted into law by Governor Makinde.

There have also been clamours by monarchs in Oke-Ogun and Ibarapa over the composition of the council. Their grievance is that, having made the leadership rotational, the same gesture should have been extended to them to give them a sense of belonging, as obtained in other states.

However, the issue remains that the bill, as signed into law by the governor, has yet to be clearly confirmed, even by members of the council. A quick interaction with some of the monarchs revealed that they were uncertain about the council’s membership composition as stipulated by the law.

A source in the House of Assembly, who preferred anonymity because he was not authorised to speak on the matter, said the bill was forwarded to the governor after its passage by the Assembly. The government has, however, yet to confirm or deny the publication of the law, as the Commissioner for Information and Civic Orientation, Mr Dotun Oyelade, and the Commissioner for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs, Mr Demola Ojo, were yet to respond to messages sent to them.

Tradition at a crossroads

The royal rumble in Oyo is not merely about titles or seating arrangements. It reflects enduring tensions between history and modern governance, symbolism and law, hierarchy and equity. While the Olubadan lays claim to authority over 11 local government areas and the Soun asserts jurisdiction over five, the Alaafin—who also advances a claim of preeminence—exercises influence over four local government areas.

File: Oba Ladoja

Some critics have argued that certain assertions by the new Alaafin have sparked controversy within the traditional institution across the country. A report noted that Alaafin’s self-description as the “superior head of Yorubaland,” as well as his altercations with several other first-class monarchs, had set him at odds with many traditional rulers.

A Lagos-based journalist, Remi Ladigbolu, defending the Alaafin stool, argued that debates over the Alaafin’s position in the council must be situated within a long historical context in which Oyo’s political influence was deliberately eroded by colonial and post-colonial decisions, without extinguishing the Alaafin’s cultural authority. While acknowledging Ife’s spiritual primacy, Ladigbolu maintained that Yoruba political evolution and statecraft were historically anchored in Oyo, making the Alaafin, alongside the Ooni of Ife, central to Yoruba civilisation.

He contended that councils of obas are political and administrative constructs whose leadership can rotate, but that cultural legitimacy is neither conferred by statute nor dependent on office. According to him, the Alaafin’s relevance does not rest on council chairmanship or statutory recognition, but on centuries of historical continuity, symbolism and collective memory that endure regardless of contemporary governance arrangements.

He, however, maintained that the new Alaafin requires wisdom, restraint, service and moral clarity, while also agreeing that traditional institutions must continually justify their place through leadership, example, community engagement and ethical consistency. Ladigbolu insisted that history does not expire; rather, it recedes or resurfaces depending on how societies choose to remember.

For now, the throne rooms remain calm. Yet beneath the beaded crowns and flowing agbadas, the contest for relevance, recognition and authority quietly persists.

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She Visits My Home – Nollywood Actor Speaks On Impregnating Late Actress, Aunty Ajara

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Nollywood actor, Femi Adewole, also known as Femi Apefe, has addressed claims linking him to the recent death of actress Aunty Ajara.

It was reports that the actress passed away following complications related to pregnancy and pre-existing liver issues.

After reports emerged that Aunty Ajara had been pregnant, old clips of her and Apefe began circulating on social media, with some users accusing him of being involved.

Apefe responded to the accusations through a video on his Instagram page, clarifying the nature of his relationship with the late actress.

He explained that he first met Aunty Ajara about two years ago and quickly recognised her acting talent.

He often invited her to film projects, and they developed a friendly relationship.

The actress would occasionally visit his home, sometimes with the help of a commercial motorcyclist.

Apefe said that a comedy skit they filmed at his house, in which Aunty Ajara acted as a pregnant woman, became the source of the rumours.

He denied any involvement in a real-life pregnancy, stating that the only pregnancy he knew of was the one in the skit.

The actor also shared that Aunty Ajara sometimes felt insecure about her body size, but he always supported her career and admired her talent.

He said: “I first met Aunty Ajara about two years ago and immediately noticed her natural acting ability. I admired her talent and often invited her to join me on movie sets for filming. We developed a friendly relationship. She was familiar with my home and would sometimes visit with the help of a commercial motorcyclist.

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“At one point, I suggested creating a comedy skit in which she would act as a pregnant woman. People around us liked the idea, and we filmed it at my house. That particular video later became the source of rumours that she was pregnant with twins in real life. I am not responsible for any pregnancy. The only pregnancy I knew about was the one portrayed in the skit.

She sometimes struggled with feelings of insecurity because of her body size, but I always admired her acting talent. I was one of her biggest supporters and encouraged her to keep pursuing her career. I am deeply saddened by her passing and I distance myself from the allegations circulating online.”

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I Raised ₦8 Million To Japa. I Was Deported The Next Day

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In 2019, Chukwudi* (38) firmly believed relocation would solve all his problems. So, he emptied his savings, sold everything he owned and took loans to fund a new life abroad. However, less than 24 hours after landing, immigration officers put him on a plane back to Nigeria. Seven years later, he’s still recovering from the fallout.

As Told To Boluwatife

Seven years have passed since my unfortunate attempt to leave Nigeria for a better life in a different country. Yet, I still struggle to talk about my experience. I’m not sure I’ll ever recover from the embarrassment and pain I suffered.

In 2019, I was 31 and convinced that escaping Nigeria was the only way to move my life forward. I was tired of my office job at a mid-sized logistics company in Lagos, and even more frustrated by the quality of life I could afford on my ₦60k salary.

I lived in a tiny self-contained apartment and couldn’t do anything besides go to the office and church every week. I couldn’t even dream about getting married or owning a car.

Meanwhile, everywhere I turned, someone was preparing to relocate or had already relocated. A former secondary school classmate moved to Germany and began posting pictures of snowy streets in our alumni WhatsApp group chat. A cousin left for the UK and started sending videos of his new apartment. Even someone from my office was talking about their plans to leave.

Everyone in my life was moving forward while I was stuck in one position. So, naturally, I started thinking about relocating too. Unfortunately, I had no money to fund any japa dream.

A colleague at work introduced me to a travel agent who explained a pathway that involved entering an Asian country with a short-term visa and arranging longer-term options after arrival. He spoke with confidence and gave examples of people who had successfully travelled the same route.

It sounded like a great plan, but he also quoted ₦15 million for the entire process — including visa processing, flight cost, accommodation arrangement and settlement support. The cost was too much for me to even imagine, let alone have somewhere.

Still, once the idea entered my head, I couldn’t let it go. For weeks, I thought only about how to raise the money and japa. It got to a point where I regularly daydreamed about finding dollars on the floor or someone mistakenly sending ₦15 million to my account.

I also started researching the japa process on my own. I realised I wouldn’t need up to ₦15 million if I did everything myself without a travel agent. Based on my findings, I estimated ₦10 million would finish the process, and I’d still have extra to hold for the first few months after I arrived in the new country.

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So, I decided to start small and raise the money slowly. I convinced myself I’d somehow raise ₦10 million.

First, I liquidated my entire life savings of about ₦700k to start the visa application process. Next, I sold my late father’s acres of land in the village for ₦3 million. That move caused some issues between me and some extended family members. They argued I shouldn’t have made that move without their approval, but I didn’t really care what they thought. My only focus was on leaving the country.

And it seemed like things were working out in my favour. I got a six-month visa on my first try and still had an extra ₦2 million in my account. I only needed to raise about ₦6 million more to reach the ₦8 million I estimated for flight costs, accommodation and settlement budget.

For accommodation, my colleague had linked me up with someone living in the country I was planning to travel to, and he’d promised to help me get a place. I just needed to send ₦3 million to him.

For the next five months, I tried everything to raise ₦8 million.

I started by taking loans. At first, it was from people close to me: my elder brother, two cousins, and a church member who ran a small cooperative. When that money finished, I started asking friends. Then friends of friends, and even people in my office. Before long, I had borrowed money from more than 12 people.

I told everyone the same thing: once I settled in Asia, I would start paying back immediately. Everybody believed me because at that time, it felt like moving abroad was a shortcut to success. Once you entered, your life automatically changed.

When the loans didn’t fetch me the money I needed, I started selling my things. My TV, generator, wardrobe and even my bed. At some point, I was sleeping on top of my clothes on the floor. I convinced myself I would eventually need to sell everything off when I was travelling anyway.

As my visa expiry date drew near and I saw no sign of raising the full amount I needed, I grew even more desperate. I decided to sublet my apartment without my landlord’s knowledge. I collected ₦1 million for two years’ rent from a former schoolmate’s brother and told him to lie to the landlord that he was my brother who had come to stay with me from the village.

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After all my fundraising efforts, I was only able to raise an additional ₦4 million, bringing my account balance to ₦6 million. By then, I had only one week left on my visa.

The delay had also made it impossible for me to buy plane tickets in advance at a lower price. I eventually spent ₦2.8 million on tickets. After I sent the ₦3 million to the guy who had promised to help me with accommodation, I had just ₦200k left. Still, I believed I could easily find work when I arrived in the new country.

I travelled with that belief. I remember my excitement that day. My siblings took me to the airport, and we took countless pictures and videos. My mum even called and sent several prayers over the phone. Everyone was happy for me.

On the plane, I was lucky enough to sit in a window seat and took even more pictures. I kept telling myself, “My life is about to start.”

I didn’t know it had already ended.

After two layovers, I finally arrived at my destination. At immigration, the officer stared at my passport for a long time. Then he started asking several questions about the duration of my visit and how much money I had.

Remember, I only had a few days left on my visa. Well, I told him I was there on a short two-day vacation to tour the country. I couldn’t tell him I didn’t plan to return.

Now that I think about it, my “vacation” story was too foolish. Who would’ve believed I was only there for two days when I travelled with three big bags?

The immigration officer called another officer, and the two spoke for a long time in a language I didn’t understand. Then they took me into a room and started asking me detailed questions. At some point, they even asked if I had paid someone to help me disappear after entry.

I kept insisting I was just visiting. But they didn’t believe me. I spent that night in an airport detention room with three strangers. Nobody explained anything or told me what would happen next.

The next morning, the immigration officers handed me a document and said I would be returned to Nigeria immediately. They said my visa timeline was suspicious and they’d prefer to remove me from the country before any overstay occurred.

Just like that, within 24 hours of “relocating,” I found myself on a plane heading back to Nigeria. It felt like a very bad dream. I didn’t even know whether to cry or laugh. Everything happened so fast.

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The reality of my situation hit me fully when I landed in Lagos. I had no home and nothing to my name. I’d sold everything and taken multiple loans to raise ₦8 million to travel.

Now, I was back to square one and even worse off than before, owing almost ₦3 million with no hope of how to pay it back.

For the first few weeks, I couldn’t face anybody. When relatives called for updates on my trip, I had to tell them the truth. News of my deportation travelled fast, and creditors started calling to ask when I would start repaying their money. I stopped picking up calls and eventually had to switch the phone off completely.

I initially hid in my brother’s house, but when the shame became too much, I ran to my village. The people there also knew about my failed relocation, but at least they wouldn’t come to me every day to ask about Asia. Even in the village, gossip from Lagos got to my ears. How most people thought I had run away with their money, and were cursing and mocking me.

It was a shameful period for me. I kept imagining how everyone expected me to be doing well abroad, but I was back with absolutely nothing. I had never heard of someone who spent less than 24 hours in a country before deportation. I wanted to die. I even tried to commit suicide twice, but my relatives rescued me.

Seven years later, I’m slowly rebuilding my life. I returned to Lagos last year after spending the last few years working with a cousin who runs a small building materials shop.

I’ve managed to repay some of the people I owed. Most of them eventually forgave my debt. I also have a better job now. My pay is still not much, but I’m surviving.

The trauma of this experience still hasn’t left me. I have nightmares about it from time to time. In my dreams, I’m coming down from a plane, and big, muscled men suddenly rush at me and push me back inside. Sometimes, I wake up crying.

Now, whenever people around me start talking about japa plans, I just keep quiet. I can’t go through that suffering again.

I know Nigeria is even worse now, and I still want a better life. But for now, I’ll try my best to find that life here.

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World Sleep Day: Doctors advise adults to sleep seven to nine hours daily

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Medical experts have advised adults to get between seven and nine hours of sleep daily to maintain good physical and mental health.

A Consultant Family and Lifestyle Medicine Physician, Dr Moyosore Makinde, gave the advice on Friday in Lagos while speaking with the News Agency of Nigeria to mark World Sleep Day.

Makinde, who is also the President of the Society of Lifestyle Medicine of Nigeria, said adequate sleep plays a vital role in maintaining overall wellbeing, productivity and long-term health.

The 2026 World Sleep Day, themed “Sleep Well, Live Better,” is dedicated to raising awareness about sleep’s critical role in human health and encouraging individuals to adopt healthier sleep habits.

Makinde explained that recommended sleep duration varies by age, noting that while adults require fewer hours, infants and children need longer sleep periods for proper development and overall well-being.

Citing World Health Organisation stipulations, Makinde recommended seven to nine hours of restorative sleep for adults above 18, explaining that infants and children required significantly longer sleep duration.

She decried the high level of sleep deprivation among the populace, noting many people failed to get adequate sleep daily, a situation she warned could negatively affect health, safety and well-being.

Makinde said the fast pace of modern life often left little time for rest, urging Nigerians to deliberately prioritise sleep by creating time for proper rest, relaxation and recovery daily.

She attributed sleep deprivation to multiple factors, including health challenges, lack of time, social media addiction, poor sleeping environments, unhealthy sleep positions, and demanding daily schedules aimed at survival.

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According to Makinde, prolonged sleep deprivation increases risks of accidents, judgment errors, workplace mistakes, Type 2 diabetes, heart disease, obesity, overweight, and certain cancers, including breast and prostate.

“Sleeping well in order to live better is not a myth. Sleep remains one of the most powerful yet often neglected pillars of health and well-being in modern society.

“To maintain good health, adults should have seven to nine restorative hours of sleep per day.

“Infants require up to 16 to 17 hours of sleep, while pre-school and school-age children need up to 13 hours and 12 hours, respectively, for proper brain development,” Makinde added.

According to her, sleep is as important as the food we eat, the water we drink and the air we breathe.

“It is a natural state of rest and a period when the body repairs itself physiologically, restoring energy, strengthening immunity and supporting overall bodily functions.

“Amid the hustle and bustle of work, study and business, particularly in Lagos, Nigerians need to prioritise sleep.

“In doing so, we are also prioritising our health,” she said.

Contributing, a psychiatrist and therapist, Dr Maymunah Kadiri, described sleep as “an integral part of mental well-being,” stressing its critical role in maintaining psychological balance.

Kadiri, also Medical Director of Pinnacle Medical Services, explained that good sleep improved concentration, enhanced brain performance and contributed positively to overall cognitive functioning and emotional stability.

She noted that adequate sleep supported cognitive processes and helped reduce symptoms of depression and anxiety, making it an essential component of maintaining good mental health.

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According to her, healthy sleep goes beyond hours spent in bed, noting that it involves adequate duration, good sleep quality that is uninterrupted and refreshing, and a consistent sleep schedule.

“Sleep significantly benefits mental health. During a good night’s sleep, the brain gets rest and all the nutrients it needs.

“A person who enjoys long-term good sleep develops improved stress resistance. Brain function improves, and the risk of cognitive disorders is significantly reduced over time.

“Sleep has a direct impact on mental health and its quality. It helps process emotions and alleviates stress as well as negative feelings,” Kadiri said.

NAN

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