In April 1978, a wave of student-led protests swept across Nigerian universities in what is still regarded as the most iconic student demonstration in the nation’s history — the Ali Must Go protest.
It all began with a government policy to increase the cost of student meals in federal universities from ₦1.50 to ₦2.00 per day, a seemingly small 50 kobo increment. But in the economic climate of the time, that adjustment sparked outrage. The move was perceived not just as insensitive but as part of a broader pattern of neglect and disregard for students’ welfare.
At the centre of the controversy was Colonel (Dr.) Ahmadu Ali, then Nigeria’s Federal Commissioner (Minister) for Education. Although he repeatedly claimed that the price hike came from the Supreme Military Council and not his ministry, students across the country held him directly responsible. They demanded his resignation, and their rallying chant “Ali Must Go!” soon echoed in every university and major city across the country.
The National Union of Nigerian Students (NUNS), led at the time by its president, Segun Okeowo, took up the issue with urgency. The union held emergency congresses across various universities where student leaders resolved to mobilize against the policy. The first major demonstration erupted at the University of Lagos, where the police clashed with unarmed students. In the chaos, one student was shot in the leg. Tragedy followed when he was taken to both LUTH and the Igbobi Orthopaedic Hospital, and was allegedly denied treatment. He bled to death. That moment deeply enraged the student community and galvanized a national movement.
The slain UNILAG student was later identified as Akintunde Ojo, one of several casualties the nation would witness in what became a dark moment in Nigeria’s educational and civic history.
Okeowo wasted no time. He reached out to his counterparts at the University of Ibadan, Ahmadu Bello University Zaria, the University of Nigeria Nsukka, the University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University), the University of Benin, and the University of Calabar, calling for immediate action. The protests spread rapidly. Students boycotted classes, barricaded streets, held mass rallies, and staged symbolic events, including mock funerals to honor the slain UNILAG student. Across the country, tension escalated.
In Zaria, things turned deadly. At Ahmadu Bello University, Nigerian soldiers opened fire on protesting students. Reports indicated that at least eight young people were killed between the 18th and 20th of April, 1978. Among them were Nicholas Amai, Mohammed Najib Daura, Gwusu Khasai, and Nbbu Amuda Yusuf, all students of ABU. Another victim, Lasisi Abubakar, was reportedly a primary school pupil in Samaru, caught in the violence. A pregnant housewife, Mrs. Arike Balogun, was also killed near UNILAG, and in Ile-Ife, an unnamed secondary school student lost his life. The toll was devastating, and by many accounts, ten lives were lost during the protest.
The military’s use of live ammunition on unarmed students caused national outrage. Rather than back down, the students became even more resolute. For more than a week, they confronted the police and army in pitched standoffs, refusing to be intimidated by bullets or tear gas. The students’ courage exposed the brutality of military rule and challenged the image of an all-powerful state.
Despite growing public sympathy, the media’s ability to report the full scale of the protest was severely limited. Under tight government control, newspapers were censored, and many portrayed the students as troublemakers and agitators threatening public order. But word spread underground through handwritten memos, phone calls, leaflets, and solidarity letters delivered from campus to campus. The students’ organizing efforts, without the benefit of social media or modern communication tools, were swift, disciplined, and remarkably effective.
The government eventually responded with brute force. All institutions of higher learning were highly assaulted by the regime of General Olusegun Obasanjo. All federal universities were shut down. NUNS was banned. Student leaders were targeted for punishment. Segun Okeowo, along with Ekpein Appah (President, UNIBEN), Offiong Aqua (President, UNICAL), and Bukar Mbaha (President, ABU), were expelled and blacklisted.
The crackdown extended beyond students. Lecturers who were perceived to be sympathetic to the students’ cause were dismissed. These included Comrade Ola Oni, Dr. Bade Onimode, Dr. Omafume Onoge, Dr. Wale Adeniran, and Dr. Akin Ojo, all from the University of Ibadan. At the Polytechnic Ibadan, Comrade Laoye Sanda was sacked. At the University of Calabar, Mrs. Bede Madunagu and Dr. Eddie Madunagu were also dismissed. Even two of the country’s most respected vice chancellors, Professor J. F. Ade Ajayi of UNILAG and Professor Iya Abubakar of ABU were compulsorily retired by Obasanjo’s regime.
One of the leader of student welfare, Comrade Ebenezer Babatope (Ebino Topsy), who served as the Students’ Welfare Officer at UNILAG, was also removed. Dr. Ladipo Sogbetun, Senior Medical Officer at the same institution, was compulsorily retired. The repression even extended to the press. Bassey Ekpo Bassey, then Political Editor of the Nigerian Chronicle, was dismissed for his coverage of the crisis.
The great Gani Fawehinmi, who stood firmly on the side of the students, defending them in court and offering both legal and moral support, was arrested, beaten, and detained at Inter-Centre. He was charged to court but eventually discharged and acquitted. His role in the crisis further cemented his place in history as a tireless defender of civil rights and academic freedom.
Though the policy on meal subsidies was never reversed, the protest succeeded in rattling the regime and igniting a new generation of politically conscious students. Although some of the affected students were later readmitted after losing semesters, and some of the lecturers were eventually reinstated after years, the damage done to Nigeria’s educational institutions was long-lasting and, in many ways, irreversible.
To this day, the exact number of students killed during the Ali Must Go protest remains contested. But what is clear is that they were not just statistics, they were victims of state violence, martyrs of Nigerian youth activism. Their names may not be carved in stone, but they live in memory, passed on from generation to generation.
Segun Okeowo, who led the movement and bore the brunt of the state’s punishment, later became a respected educationist and principal in Ogun State. Until his death in 2014, he remained proud of what he had done. In an interview years later, he said, “It was a struggle for justice. If the system fails the people, the people must speak. We spoke — loudly.”
The Ali Must Go protest marked a turning point in Nigerian history. It showed that the youth, united by a cause, could challenge even a military regime. It laid the foundation for future movements like the rebirth of student unionism with the formation of NANS in 1980, to later uprisings like the fuel subsidy protests, the June 12 struggle, and even EndSARS protest. It also etched the phrase “Ali Must Go” into Nigerian political language, a lasting metaphor for resistance against poor leadership and tone-deaf policies.
Though the students of 1978 were silenced by force, their actions shook the country to its core. Their courage, their sacrifice, and their unwavering demand for justice must never be forgotten.
Nollywood actress Sarah Martins has formally responded to the Lagos State Government’s warning regarding her recent public cooking activity, clarifying that the event was an emotional reconnection with vulnerable children rather than a deliberate breach of environmental laws.
The response comes after the Lagos State Commissioner for the Environment and Water Resources, Tokunbo Wahab, on Saturday, cautioned the actress against cooking on public roads, warning that she risks arrest and prosecution if she continues the practice.
In an open letter posted on her Instagram handle on Sunday, Martins, the founder of the Sarah Martins Golden Heart Foundation, sought to set the record straight, stating that the meal was prepared in a controlled environment.
“I would like to respectfully clarify that I did not cook on the walkway or on the main street.
“The meal was prepared in front of the King’s Palace under the supervision of security personnel, and the activity took place very far from the main road, ensuring that it did not obstruct movement or create any public nuisance,” she wrote.
Explaining the motivation behind the act, the actress described it as a response to the pleas of street children she frequently encounters.
“The visit was simply born out of an emotional moment. I had deeply missed the bond I share with the vulnerable street children in that area,” she explained.
“As I occasionally drive past that axis, the children often plead with me to come back and cook with them like I used to. On this particular day, I decided to spend some time with them and prepare a meal, purely to reconnect and create memories with the kids who have always shown me genuine love,” she added.
The actress offered an apology to the state government for any perceived impropriety, saying, “My brief return to that location was never intended to create any form of public nuisance, but simply to share a heartfelt moment with children who have continued to ask for my presence.
“However, if my actions were perceived as inappropriate in any way, I sincerely apologide. I hold the laws and environmental standards of Lagos State in the highest regard.
“Going forward, I will ensure that all cooking activities are carried out strictly within the charity kitchen provided for the foundation.”
In her response, Martins also expressed gratitude to Seyi Tinubu, the President’s son, noting that his donation of a charity kitchen was specifically intended to ensure her feeding programs are conducted in a proper and organised environment, which she said her foundation remains committed to using.
PUNCH Online reports that Martins was arrested in October 2025 by KAI officials while she was cooking on a road median in Lekki, seizing her equipment.
The Lagos State Government defended the operation, with Wahab stating that the actress had engaged in unauthorised activities on public infrastructure in contravention of environmental and sanitation regulations.
While she previously claimed to have received ₦20 million from his office, Seyi Tinubu reportedly denied making the donation personally, saying some friends, moved by compassion, had raised funds to help her secure a proper space for her charity work, but stressed that he did not support any act that violated Lagos State laws.
Mr Oyekunle Onigbinde, the last child of the late national coach Festus Onigbinde, has said that although his father was sick, he fought well to stay alive.
Oyekunle made the remarks in an interview with the News Agency of Nigeria in Ibadan on Tuesday.
Describing his father as a generous man who cared for everyone, Oyekunle said his death on Monday came as a huge shock.
“He fought well to stay alive.
“He was sick, but due to old age, his body couldn’t fight the recovery.
“My father was very accommodating; he pulled everyone together.
“He didn’t care who you were; he just wanted everyone happy and united.
“He was the string that knitted many together,” he said.
Meanwhile, renowned sports analyst Tayo Balogun told NAN that his 40-minute phone conversation with Onigbinde in 2025 would forever linger in his memory.
“We went down memory lane, and I thanked him for being who he was: painstaking, foresighted, forthright, forthcoming, and incredibly hardworking.
“I told him I appreciated him and that I was calling to let him know that his contributions to Nigerian football will always be footnoted in history.
“During the call, I noticed his voice had lost some of its vibration. He attributed this to old age, claiming he was as fit as a fiddle.
“He asked after my TV Gang of Feyi Ogunduyile and Modele Sarafa-Yusuf (then known as Oshiinaike),” he said.
Balogun said he praised Onigbinde for his contributions to Shooting Stars Sports Club (3SC).
“He actually changed the name from IICC Shooting Stars.
“I asked him if he remembered that I asked him why he was practising penalty kicks after 3SC had comprehensively beaten Tonnere Kalara Club of Yaounde at the Liberty Stadium, just before the second-leg match.
“He told me Remi Asuni, the then Oyo State FA Chairman, asked him the same question and that he answered, ‘If we can beat them 4-0 in Ibadan, they may pay us back in Yaounde,’” he said.
The 73-year-old analyst said he also praised Onigbinde for his bravery in selecting players for the 2002 World Cup.
“I told him I understood why he included Mutiu Adepoju, but did not understand why he didn’t play him in any of the matches.
“He said that was the only mistake he made, but that if I noticed, we were quite close in all the matches we played, and if he brought in Mutiu and we lost, it would be blamed on Adepoju,” he said.
Balogun described Onigbinde as the most thorough Nigerian coach he knew.
“Each year, he would draw up a list of requirements for his team.
“With Shooting Stars, he would get 20 per cent, and with the Eagles, he didn’t even get 10 per cent.
“All the same, he got spectacular results with both teams.
“He was the first coach to take a group of rookies like Chibuzor Ehilegbu, Paul Okoku, Femi Olukanmi, and others to Ghana and beat the then-dreaded Black Stars in their country.
“Onigbinde’s memory will remain indelible.
“He was a gentleman, humble, and highly intelligent.
Reality TV star, Josephina Otabor, popularly known as Phyna, has opened up about the struggles she faced while growing up and why she does not like the name given to her at birth.
During a recent interview with Ezinne Akudo on the show Beyond With Ezinne, the former Big Brother Naija winner said her parents named her Blessing, but she came to dislike the name because her life did not reflect its meaning.
It was reports that Phyna explained that as she was growing up, many parts of her life were very difficult.
According to her, she often felt like she was always begging for love from people around her, including family members, friends and even in relationships.
She said the situation made her feel as if the name Blessing did not match the experiences she was going through.
The reality star also spoke about the pain she felt after the death of her sister. She said the loss deeply affected her, and at one point, she even wished she could die because of the emotional burden she was carrying at the time.
She said, “The name given to me by my parents is Blessing. My reasons for hating that name was you don’t see sense of blessing in my life. Because you know, it felt like I was always begging for love, family love, friendship, even in relationships. In fact, Dem don use am curse me. All aspects of life for me, growing up was very crazy. Even when you’re a teenager, there are things you could get from parents, from friends, family I didn’t have that, but I knew for one that I was going to be big.
“Then I always tell my aunts, everybody, even when they beat me or maltreat me, today, the next minute I will see when I go watch me for television, you know, I go get money. People always say negative things about me. Even when I’m trying my best, it affects me. It affects my workload. They are quick to broke shame me. In fact, when my sister died, I wanted to die. A lot was going on with me. It actually makes me feel God is with me because so many things have happened that I suppose don really run mad.”
