In April 1978, a wave of student-led protests swept across Nigerian universities in what is still regarded as the most iconic student demonstration in the nation’s history — the Ali Must Go protest.
It all began with a government policy to increase the cost of student meals in federal universities from ₦1.50 to ₦2.00 per day, a seemingly small 50 kobo increment. But in the economic climate of the time, that adjustment sparked outrage. The move was perceived not just as insensitive but as part of a broader pattern of neglect and disregard for students’ welfare.
At the centre of the controversy was Colonel (Dr.) Ahmadu Ali, then Nigeria’s Federal Commissioner (Minister) for Education. Although he repeatedly claimed that the price hike came from the Supreme Military Council and not his ministry, students across the country held him directly responsible. They demanded his resignation, and their rallying chant “Ali Must Go!” soon echoed in every university and major city across the country.
The National Union of Nigerian Students (NUNS), led at the time by its president, Segun Okeowo, took up the issue with urgency. The union held emergency congresses across various universities where student leaders resolved to mobilize against the policy. The first major demonstration erupted at the University of Lagos, where the police clashed with unarmed students. In the chaos, one student was shot in the leg. Tragedy followed when he was taken to both LUTH and the Igbobi Orthopaedic Hospital, and was allegedly denied treatment. He bled to death. That moment deeply enraged the student community and galvanized a national movement.
The slain UNILAG student was later identified as Akintunde Ojo, one of several casualties the nation would witness in what became a dark moment in Nigeria’s educational and civic history.
Okeowo wasted no time. He reached out to his counterparts at the University of Ibadan, Ahmadu Bello University Zaria, the University of Nigeria Nsukka, the University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University), the University of Benin, and the University of Calabar, calling for immediate action. The protests spread rapidly. Students boycotted classes, barricaded streets, held mass rallies, and staged symbolic events, including mock funerals to honor the slain UNILAG student. Across the country, tension escalated.
In Zaria, things turned deadly. At Ahmadu Bello University, Nigerian soldiers opened fire on protesting students. Reports indicated that at least eight young people were killed between the 18th and 20th of April, 1978. Among them were Nicholas Amai, Mohammed Najib Daura, Gwusu Khasai, and Nbbu Amuda Yusuf, all students of ABU. Another victim, Lasisi Abubakar, was reportedly a primary school pupil in Samaru, caught in the violence. A pregnant housewife, Mrs. Arike Balogun, was also killed near UNILAG, and in Ile-Ife, an unnamed secondary school student lost his life. The toll was devastating, and by many accounts, ten lives were lost during the protest.
The military’s use of live ammunition on unarmed students caused national outrage. Rather than back down, the students became even more resolute. For more than a week, they confronted the police and army in pitched standoffs, refusing to be intimidated by bullets or tear gas. The students’ courage exposed the brutality of military rule and challenged the image of an all-powerful state.
Despite growing public sympathy, the media’s ability to report the full scale of the protest was severely limited. Under tight government control, newspapers were censored, and many portrayed the students as troublemakers and agitators threatening public order. But word spread underground through handwritten memos, phone calls, leaflets, and solidarity letters delivered from campus to campus. The students’ organizing efforts, without the benefit of social media or modern communication tools, were swift, disciplined, and remarkably effective.
The government eventually responded with brute force. All institutions of higher learning were highly assaulted by the regime of General Olusegun Obasanjo. All federal universities were shut down. NUNS was banned. Student leaders were targeted for punishment. Segun Okeowo, along with Ekpein Appah (President, UNIBEN), Offiong Aqua (President, UNICAL), and Bukar Mbaha (President, ABU), were expelled and blacklisted.
The crackdown extended beyond students. Lecturers who were perceived to be sympathetic to the students’ cause were dismissed. These included Comrade Ola Oni, Dr. Bade Onimode, Dr. Omafume Onoge, Dr. Wale Adeniran, and Dr. Akin Ojo, all from the University of Ibadan. At the Polytechnic Ibadan, Comrade Laoye Sanda was sacked. At the University of Calabar, Mrs. Bede Madunagu and Dr. Eddie Madunagu were also dismissed. Even two of the country’s most respected vice chancellors, Professor J. F. Ade Ajayi of UNILAG and Professor Iya Abubakar of ABU were compulsorily retired by Obasanjo’s regime.
One of the leader of student welfare, Comrade Ebenezer Babatope (Ebino Topsy), who served as the Students’ Welfare Officer at UNILAG, was also removed. Dr. Ladipo Sogbetun, Senior Medical Officer at the same institution, was compulsorily retired. The repression even extended to the press. Bassey Ekpo Bassey, then Political Editor of the Nigerian Chronicle, was dismissed for his coverage of the crisis.
The great Gani Fawehinmi, who stood firmly on the side of the students, defending them in court and offering both legal and moral support, was arrested, beaten, and detained at Inter-Centre. He was charged to court but eventually discharged and acquitted. His role in the crisis further cemented his place in history as a tireless defender of civil rights and academic freedom.
Though the policy on meal subsidies was never reversed, the protest succeeded in rattling the regime and igniting a new generation of politically conscious students. Although some of the affected students were later readmitted after losing semesters, and some of the lecturers were eventually reinstated after years, the damage done to Nigeria’s educational institutions was long-lasting and, in many ways, irreversible.
To this day, the exact number of students killed during the Ali Must Go protest remains contested. But what is clear is that they were not just statistics, they were victims of state violence, martyrs of Nigerian youth activism. Their names may not be carved in stone, but they live in memory, passed on from generation to generation.
Segun Okeowo, who led the movement and bore the brunt of the state’s punishment, later became a respected educationist and principal in Ogun State. Until his death in 2014, he remained proud of what he had done. In an interview years later, he said, “It was a struggle for justice. If the system fails the people, the people must speak. We spoke — loudly.”
The Ali Must Go protest marked a turning point in Nigerian history. It showed that the youth, united by a cause, could challenge even a military regime. It laid the foundation for future movements like the rebirth of student unionism with the formation of NANS in 1980, to later uprisings like the fuel subsidy protests, the June 12 struggle, and even EndSARS protest. It also etched the phrase “Ali Must Go” into Nigerian political language, a lasting metaphor for resistance against poor leadership and tone-deaf policies.
Though the students of 1978 were silenced by force, their actions shook the country to its core. Their courage, their sacrifice, and their unwavering demand for justice must never be forgotten.
The lead pastor at Goodness Nation, Apostle Harrison Ayintete, has criticised Pastor of Zoe Household Global, Dolapo Lawal over his teaching against the “once saved, always saved” doctrine, urging the cleric to “learn the Bible before teaching.”
Ayintete, in a post on X, faulted Lawal’s interpretation of salvation, arguing that believers who have received eternal life through faith in Jesus Christ cannot lose their salvation.
The exchange followed Lawal’s recent sermon in which he rejected the “once saved, always saved” doctrine, arguing that salvation requires continued faith, repentance and holy living.
Lawal maintained that while believers can have assurance of salvation through faith in Christ, Scripture repeatedly warns Christians against falling away, abandoning the faith and living contrary to the gospel.
He cited the New Testament epistles and Jesus’ warnings to the seven churches in Revelation as evidence that believers must continue in obedience rather than assume salvation is irreversible regardless of their conduct.
He also argued that teaching unconditional eternal security encourages moral laxity within the church and downplays biblical calls to holiness, insisting that believers must read the whole of Scripture rather than rely solely on verses such as John 3:16.
Lead pastor at Goodness Nation, Apostle Harrison Ayintete…Photo Credit: X / Harrison Ayintete
Responding to Lawal’s sermon, Ayintete wrote, “Pastor Adedolapo Lawal, sir, I thought you knew better than this, though.
“According to your own John 3:16, the one who has believed has eternal life and will perish right?
“Eternal life is quality of life, it is God’s life, you said, so does God’s life see condemnation? Does God’s righteousness perish?”
He argued that New Testament epistles were written to guide believers towards spiritual growth and maturity rather than to determine whether they remained saved.
“The epistles are for revelation, development in ministry, maturity in that which we have received, warning against lifestyles that do not reflect our righteousness.
“Spiritual development and growth is never the same as spiritual birth,” he said.
Ayintete also rejected Lawal’s claim that the teaching of “hyper-grace” had contributed to increasing sin within the church.
“You even said Hypergrace is the reason sins are everywhere. Bro, how many churches preach Hypergrace? So all the sins in RCCG is sponsored by Hypergrace? All the lies in Deeper Life? They don’t tell lies in your own churches?
“You people talk like you produce some better saints than we do,” he wrote.
He further challenged Lawal to a public debate on the subject, insisting that the issue should be discussed openly.
“If he sure for you say Hypergrace nor dey Bible, set up a proper debate on the subject, I will meet you there because at this point, we need that conversation,” he added.
In a follow-up video, Ayintete accused some ministers of deliberately portraying hyper-grace preachers negatively.
He maintained that Jesus’ promise of eternal life in John 3:16 and John 10 guaranteed permanent salvation for believers.
“The Lord Jesus said in John 3:16 that whosoever has believed in Him has eternal life and will not perish.
“Jesus said over and over, ‘I give them eternal life and they shall never perish.’ Ephesians 1 says we are sealed with the Spirit unto the day of our redemption,” he said.
The widow of late Nollywood actor John Okafor, Stella Maris Okafor, has dismissed allegations that she secretly sold her late husband’s properties and kept the proceeds to herself.
Recall that the family of the late actor, popularly known as Mr Ibu, recently opened up about their struggles and financial situation.
In a recent video now making the rounds online, while speaking to content creator King Mitchy, Stella Maris explained that the sale of the properties was carried out in line with a court order and with the consent of Mr Ibu’s two sons, Valentine Okafor and Daniel Okafor.
She further backed her claim, stating that she has the relevant documents.
“I have to show you this document. This is a court order. We—I didn’t, not me alone. My husband’s two sons, Valentine Okafor and Daniel Okafor, and I did it according to the court order. Every evidence is here. We sold the house. I am not the one that sold the house,” she stated.
She also disclosed that she currently runs an online jewellery business, explaining that her late husband had initially discouraged her from venturing into it while she was still acting.
“I have a page online where I sell jewellery, and I am still selling my jewellery. When I wanted to start this business, my late husband stopped me because I was acting. My late husband was my colleague in the industry,” she said.
She further revealed that she is planning to move out of her current residence, describing it as too expensive and saying she only relocated there due to security concerns and public pressure following her husband’s death.
“I did not intend to come to this place. It’s because of pressure and security, but I am packing out.”
Addressing claims by a young man who alleged online that he is one of Mr Ibu’s children and was denied financial support, Stella Maris said disagreements over money began shortly after the actor’s burial.
She alleged that some family members demanded that she share the money given to her during the burial for the upkeep of her children.
“Before they sold the land, we were still in the village, and they were dragging with me over the money that was given to me during the burial. They insisted that I should share the money with them. I told them that this was money given to me for my children. Why should I come and share it with you people?”
Nigerian activist and entertainer, Charles Oputa, popularly known as Charly Boy, has admitted that he was involved in crime during his younger years in the United States.
Charly Boy made this confession on Friday when he appeared as a guest in an interview on Arise Television’s ‘Prime Time’.
The vocal social commentator said he made several poor decisions in his younger years and engaged in activities he now looks back on with regret.
“I’ve made mistakes in my life. I’ve been a thief. I’ve done very risky things. I’ve done very stupid things, very foolish things. In fact, I have no business being here with you tonight, but I guess there’s a purpose for my life,” he said.
According to the activist, his years in America were filled with reckless choices, including involvement in financial crimes.
“I was doing white-collar crime when I was in America. I was about 25 years old. I was doing a lot of stupid stuff. That’s why I say I’ve been there,” he added.
The social commentator pointed out that rather than hide those parts of his story, he chose to document them fully in his memoir to show his complete journey from rebellion and mistakes to transformation and self-discovery.
