In April 1978, a wave of student-led protests swept across Nigerian universities in what is still regarded as the most iconic student demonstration in the nation’s history — the Ali Must Go protest.
It all began with a government policy to increase the cost of student meals in federal universities from ₦1.50 to ₦2.00 per day, a seemingly small 50 kobo increment. But in the economic climate of the time, that adjustment sparked outrage. The move was perceived not just as insensitive but as part of a broader pattern of neglect and disregard for students’ welfare.
At the centre of the controversy was Colonel (Dr.) Ahmadu Ali, then Nigeria’s Federal Commissioner (Minister) for Education. Although he repeatedly claimed that the price hike came from the Supreme Military Council and not his ministry, students across the country held him directly responsible. They demanded his resignation, and their rallying chant “Ali Must Go!” soon echoed in every university and major city across the country.
The National Union of Nigerian Students (NUNS), led at the time by its president, Segun Okeowo, took up the issue with urgency. The union held emergency congresses across various universities where student leaders resolved to mobilize against the policy. The first major demonstration erupted at the University of Lagos, where the police clashed with unarmed students. In the chaos, one student was shot in the leg. Tragedy followed when he was taken to both LUTH and the Igbobi Orthopaedic Hospital, and was allegedly denied treatment. He bled to death. That moment deeply enraged the student community and galvanized a national movement.
The slain UNILAG student was later identified as Akintunde Ojo, one of several casualties the nation would witness in what became a dark moment in Nigeria’s educational and civic history.
Okeowo wasted no time. He reached out to his counterparts at the University of Ibadan, Ahmadu Bello University Zaria, the University of Nigeria Nsukka, the University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University), the University of Benin, and the University of Calabar, calling for immediate action. The protests spread rapidly. Students boycotted classes, barricaded streets, held mass rallies, and staged symbolic events, including mock funerals to honor the slain UNILAG student. Across the country, tension escalated.
In Zaria, things turned deadly. At Ahmadu Bello University, Nigerian soldiers opened fire on protesting students. Reports indicated that at least eight young people were killed between the 18th and 20th of April, 1978. Among them were Nicholas Amai, Mohammed Najib Daura, Gwusu Khasai, and Nbbu Amuda Yusuf, all students of ABU. Another victim, Lasisi Abubakar, was reportedly a primary school pupil in Samaru, caught in the violence. A pregnant housewife, Mrs. Arike Balogun, was also killed near UNILAG, and in Ile-Ife, an unnamed secondary school student lost his life. The toll was devastating, and by many accounts, ten lives were lost during the protest.
The military’s use of live ammunition on unarmed students caused national outrage. Rather than back down, the students became even more resolute. For more than a week, they confronted the police and army in pitched standoffs, refusing to be intimidated by bullets or tear gas. The students’ courage exposed the brutality of military rule and challenged the image of an all-powerful state.
Despite growing public sympathy, the media’s ability to report the full scale of the protest was severely limited. Under tight government control, newspapers were censored, and many portrayed the students as troublemakers and agitators threatening public order. But word spread underground through handwritten memos, phone calls, leaflets, and solidarity letters delivered from campus to campus. The students’ organizing efforts, without the benefit of social media or modern communication tools, were swift, disciplined, and remarkably effective.
The government eventually responded with brute force. All institutions of higher learning were highly assaulted by the regime of General Olusegun Obasanjo. All federal universities were shut down. NUNS was banned. Student leaders were targeted for punishment. Segun Okeowo, along with Ekpein Appah (President, UNIBEN), Offiong Aqua (President, UNICAL), and Bukar Mbaha (President, ABU), were expelled and blacklisted.
The crackdown extended beyond students. Lecturers who were perceived to be sympathetic to the students’ cause were dismissed. These included Comrade Ola Oni, Dr. Bade Onimode, Dr. Omafume Onoge, Dr. Wale Adeniran, and Dr. Akin Ojo, all from the University of Ibadan. At the Polytechnic Ibadan, Comrade Laoye Sanda was sacked. At the University of Calabar, Mrs. Bede Madunagu and Dr. Eddie Madunagu were also dismissed. Even two of the country’s most respected vice chancellors, Professor J. F. Ade Ajayi of UNILAG and Professor Iya Abubakar of ABU were compulsorily retired by Obasanjo’s regime.
One of the leader of student welfare, Comrade Ebenezer Babatope (Ebino Topsy), who served as the Students’ Welfare Officer at UNILAG, was also removed. Dr. Ladipo Sogbetun, Senior Medical Officer at the same institution, was compulsorily retired. The repression even extended to the press. Bassey Ekpo Bassey, then Political Editor of the Nigerian Chronicle, was dismissed for his coverage of the crisis.
The great Gani Fawehinmi, who stood firmly on the side of the students, defending them in court and offering both legal and moral support, was arrested, beaten, and detained at Inter-Centre. He was charged to court but eventually discharged and acquitted. His role in the crisis further cemented his place in history as a tireless defender of civil rights and academic freedom.
Though the policy on meal subsidies was never reversed, the protest succeeded in rattling the regime and igniting a new generation of politically conscious students. Although some of the affected students were later readmitted after losing semesters, and some of the lecturers were eventually reinstated after years, the damage done to Nigeria’s educational institutions was long-lasting and, in many ways, irreversible.
To this day, the exact number of students killed during the Ali Must Go protest remains contested. But what is clear is that they were not just statistics, they were victims of state violence, martyrs of Nigerian youth activism. Their names may not be carved in stone, but they live in memory, passed on from generation to generation.
Segun Okeowo, who led the movement and bore the brunt of the state’s punishment, later became a respected educationist and principal in Ogun State. Until his death in 2014, he remained proud of what he had done. In an interview years later, he said, “It was a struggle for justice. If the system fails the people, the people must speak. We spoke — loudly.”
The Ali Must Go protest marked a turning point in Nigerian history. It showed that the youth, united by a cause, could challenge even a military regime. It laid the foundation for future movements like the rebirth of student unionism with the formation of NANS in 1980, to later uprisings like the fuel subsidy protests, the June 12 struggle, and even EndSARS protest. It also etched the phrase “Ali Must Go” into Nigerian political language, a lasting metaphor for resistance against poor leadership and tone-deaf policies.
Though the students of 1978 were silenced by force, their actions shook the country to its core. Their courage, their sacrifice, and their unwavering demand for justice must never be forgotten.
The Federal Government has announced the death of Nigeria’s ambassador-designate to Algeria, Mohammed Mahmud Lele, who died at the age of 50.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs disclosed this in a statement issued in Abuja on Wednesday by its spokesperson, Kimiebi Ebienfa.
According to the ministry, Lele died in the early hours of April 19, 2026, in Ankara, Türkiye, after a protracted illness.
The ministry described the late diplomat as a dedicated officer who served the country with distinction.
“The late Ambassador Lele, until his death after a protracted illness, was the Director in charge of the Middle East and Gulf Division in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
“Ambassador Lele, a career diplomat, was recently appointed by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu as Ambassador-designate to the People’s Democratic Republic of Algeria, following the Nigerian Senate’s confirmation of his nomination,” the statement said.
Born in Gamawa, Bauchi State, in 1976, Lele studied Economics at Bayero University, Kano, and went on to serve in Nigerian missions in Berlin, Lomé and Riyadh.
“Ambassador Lele was known for his intellectual depth, strategic insight and commitment to the advancement of Nigeria’s foreign policy objectives,” the statement added.
The Permanent Secretary of the ministry, Dunoma Umar Ahmed, who received the remains of the late diplomat at the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport, Abuja, described him as “a hardworking, humble and fine officer, who will be sorely missed by the ministry.”
The ministry added that his death “is a monumental loss not only to his immediate family but also to the entire Foreign Service community and the Federal Republic of Nigeria.”
Lele was buried on Wednesday in Kano in accordance with Islamic rites.
The ministry extended condolences to his family, associates, and the government and people of Bauchi State, praying for the peaceful repose of his soul and strength for those he left behind.
Comedian Kevin Chinedu, popularly known as Kevinblak, has revealed that officials of a political party offered him dollars to change his satirical skits criticising politicians and governance.
He made the disclosure on Monday in an interview on ARISEtv’s Arise 360 programme, where he spoke about the pressures facing content creators who hold public officials accountable through humour.
Chinedu, known for his character Governor Amuneke, said the approach came at a particularly vulnerable moment, shortly after his wife had a Caesarean section and he was under financial strain.
“They said they were going to change my life, that I’m earning crumbs, you know, give me dollars. They mentioned that my colleagues are in the game and all of that,” he said.
He declined to name the party, saying only that it was “Amuneke’s party”, a reference to the fictional political figure in his skits, and cautioned against any attempt to identify it publicly.
“Don’t mention names, trust me, don’t mention names,” he said.
Despite the financial pressure, the comedian said he turned down the offer, recalling how the officials had tried to lure him to Abuja with the promise of a life-changing sum.
“I had a lot of bills on my head and I just heard come, come to Abuja, let’s change your life. Dollars upon dollars,” he said.
He said he ultimately held firm, guided by a personal code he had maintained throughout his career.
“I looked at it, I said, no, I am who I am. I’ve been here for a long time, and I’ve never been in any illegal thing, and I’ve never been somewhere, you know, I’m doing something because I’m being influenced, because of money.
“If I want to do it, it should be something I’m doing because I want to do it. So, you know, it is what it is,” he said.
When asked whether friends had urged him to accept the money, Chinedu said his inner circle was equally principled, and had themselves been approached and refused.
“I don’t have friends that are easily overwhelmed with money. I have people who have principles because they have, you know, approached them, they themselves. So, we always have that conversation,” he said.
Nigeria’s already fragile healthcare system is facing renewed strain as no fewer than 4,691 doctors have relocated to the United Kingdom since President Bola Tinubu assumed office on May 29, 2023, fresh data from the General Medical Council shows.
The UK GMC is a public official register detailing the number of practising doctors in the UK alongside other details such as their areas of speciality, country of training, among others.
The mass migration represents not just a human resource crisis but a significant economic loss.
With the Federal Government estimating that it costs about $21,000 to train a single doctor, Nigeria has effectively lost at least $98.5m in training investments within less than two years.
The figure put the total number of Nigeria-trained doctors currently practising in the UK to about 15,692, making Nigeria one of the largest sources of foreign-trained doctors in Britain, second only to India.
As of May 28, 2025, official records showed that the number of Nigerian-trained doctors in the UK was a little over 11,000. The figure has grown significantly since then.
The exodus of doctors comes as Nigeria’s doctor-to-population ratio hovers around 3.9 per 10,000 people, far below the minimum threshold recommended by the World Health Organisation.
For many health experts, the numbers confirm what has long been visible: a system gradually losing its most critical workforce.
The Nigerian Medical Association has repeatedly warned that poor remuneration, unsafe working conditions, and inadequate infrastructure are pushing doctors out of the country.
“Our members are overworked, underpaid and exposed to unsafe environments daily. Many are simply burnt out,” the NMA said in one of its recent statements addressing workforce migration.
Similarly, the National Association of Resident Doctors has consistently highlighted the toll on younger doctors, who form the backbone of Nigeria’s tertiary healthcare system.
“Doctors are leaving because the system is failing them—irregular salaries, excessive workload, and lack of training opportunities,” NARD noted during one of its nationwide engagements.
Ironically, the doctor exodus persists even as Nigeria continues to spend heavily on healthcare abroad.
While official foreign exchange data shows only modest spending on medical tourism in recent years, broader estimates suggest Nigerians still spend hundreds of millions of dollars annually seeking treatment overseas.
For instance, a recent report by The PUNCH revealed that foreign exchange outflow for health-related travel by Nigerians surged to $549.29m in the first nine months of 2025, a 17.96 per cent increase from $465.67m in the same period of 2024, according to official data by Nigeria’s apex bank.
A public health expert, Dr David Adewole, noted that the Federal Government’s national policy on health workforce migration, aimed at curbing the growing trend of health professionals leaving the country—commonly referred to as ‘Japa’—is a good initiative, but may not do much to address the fundamental problems of the shortage of skilled healthcare professionals in Nigeria, particularly in rural and underserved areas.
According to him, many of the push factors for health professionals emigrating to greener pastures, like insecurity, emolument and lack of basic amenities like potable water, health facilities, cost of living and constant electricity, persisted.
He stated: “To make healthcare workers stay here, let the salaries be enough so that what you earn will be much more than the multiples of what you need for basic needs, like food, power supply, housing, and so forth.
“People still look at life after retirement. You might have a good policy, but its implementation is the issue. For example, you are retired, and for your retirement package, you don’t need to know anyone for it to be processed promptly.
“Then subsequently, your monthly pension, without pressing anybody, should be paid. Those things are not here.
“And when you go to the hospital abroad, if you tell them that you are in a hurry, you go to your home; they’ll bring the medicines to your doorstep.”
