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Oleku Ija Ore: Historical Account of the Battle of Ore in the Nigerian Civil War

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The Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970), also called the Biafran War, was one of the bloodiest conflicts in post-colonial Africa. Among its many turning points, the Battle of Ore, remembered in Yoruba memory as “Oleku Ija Ore” (“the fierce battle of Ore”), stands out as a decisive episode that changed the trajectory of the war.

This is the full history of the battle, the Yoruba dimension, and its lasting legacy.

Background: The Road to War

The Nigerian Civil War broke out on July 6, 1967, following deep ethnic, political, and military crises:
The January 1966 coup, led largely by Igbo officers, killed many northern leaders including Prime Minister Abubakar Tafawa Balewa and the Sardauna of Sokoto, Ahmadu Bello.

A counter-coup in July 1966, led by northern officers, brought Lt. Col. Yakubu Gowon to power. This coup also sparked massacres of Igbos in the North, leading to mass migrations eastward.

On May 30, 1967, Col. Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu declared the Republic of Biafra, seceding from Nigeria.

War was inevitable. Initially, Biafra had the upper hand due to its motivated troops, sympathetic foreign media, and the daring strategies of Yoruba officer Lt. Col. Victor Banjo, who sided with Ojukwu.

The Midwest Invasion

On August 9, 1967, Biafran forces crossed the Niger River and invaded Nigeria’s Midwestern Region. Commanded by Col. Banjo, the invasion aimed to achieve three key goals:

1. Capture Lagos, Nigeria’s capital, to force Gowon’s government into collapse.

2. Gain Yoruba support, using Banjo’s ethnicity as leverage.

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3. Expand Biafran control westward, securing international recognition.

Within days, towns such as Asaba, Agbor, Benin, and even Ore fell under Biafran occupation. The invasion shocked the Nigerian government, which had believed the war would be quickly contained in the East.

The Advance to Ore

By mid-August, Banjo’s troops had advanced to Ore in Ondo State, only about 130 miles from Lagos. The road to the capital was wide open, and panic gripped the Nigerian government.

Gowon called emergency meetings in Lagos.

Yoruba leaders were divided: should they support Banjo (a Yoruba fighting for Biafra) or stand with the federal government?

In the barracks, confusion reigned. The West had very few soldiers, and many Yoruba officers were unsure of their allegiance.

Only a small Nigerian platoon of 32 soldiers from the 11th Battalion, led by Lt. Raphael Iluyomade, held their ground at Ore. Their resistance, though modest, gave the Nigerian command precious time to regroup.

Banjo’s Hesitation

This was the critical moment. If Banjo had pressed forward to capture Lagos, history might have been rewritten. But instead, he hesitated.

Several reasons explain this delay:

Yoruba leaders reminded him of Afonja of Ilorin, a Yoruba warlord who invited Fulani allies in the 19th century but later lost Ilorin to them. Banjo was warned not to betray his people by handing Yorubaland to Biafra.

Banjo reportedly entered secret negotiations with Nigerian General Murtala Mohammed, perhaps seeking a peaceful Yoruba-led solution.

Biafran leader Ojukwu grew suspicious of Banjo’s loyalty and ordered him to halt at Ore.

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This hesitation proved fatal. Time allowed Nigeria to rally its forces and counterattack.

The Battle of Ore (August 14 – September 17, 1967)

The Nigerian Army, under General Murtala Mohammed, launched a counteroffensive at Ore. Fierce fighting ensued. Though poorly equipped at first, Nigerian forces gradually gained the upper hand with reinforcements from the North and Midwest.

Banjo’s troops, low on supplies, became overstretched.

Local Yoruba support for Biafra was lukewarm at best. Most saw the Biafran invasion as foreign occupation.

Nigerian propaganda painted the invasion as an “Igbo attempt to conquer the West.”
By early September, the tide had turned. Nigerian troops pushed Biafra back from Ore to Benin City. On September 19, 1967, Benin fell.

The Fall of Victor Banjo

Back in Enugu, Ojukwu accused Banjo of betrayal. Along with three others (Philip Alale, Sam Agbam, and Emmanuel Ifeajuna), Banjo was tried by a Biafran military tribunal for allegedly plotting to negotiate with Nigeria behind Ojukwu’s back.

They were executed by firing squad in September 1967. Banjo’s death marked the end of Yoruba leadership in Biafra’s military campaign.

Significance of the Battle of Ore

The Battle of Ore was one of the war’s most decisive turning points:

1. Stopped Biafra’s Advance – Had Ore fallen completely and Lagos been captured, Gowon’s government might have collapsed.

2. Secured Yoruba Loyalty – The invasion convinced the West that Biafra could not be trusted, cementing Yoruba alignment with the federal side.

3. Shifted the War’s Momentum – The Nigerian counteroffensive from Ore marked the beginning of federal dominance in the war.

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4. Destroyed Midwest Support for Biafra – Many Midwesterners, especially non-Igbos, turned against Biafra after the failed campaign.

Aftermath

Following Ore:

The self-declared Republic of Benin (a Biafran puppet state) lasted only one day before Nigerian forces crushed it.

By October 4, 1967, Nigerian troops captured Enugu, Biafra’s capital.

Over the next two years, Nigeria gradually strangled Biafra militarily and economically.
On January 15, 1970, Biafra surrendered, ending the war.

Legacy of “Oleku Ija Ore”

Today, the phrase “Oleku Ija Ore” remains part of Yoruba historical memory. It symbolizes:
The ferocity of the battle.

The fragile politics of Yoruba identity during the war.

The decisive role the West played in shaping the outcome of the Nigerian Civil War.
The Battle of Ore is remembered not only as a military clash but also as a moment when Yoruba destiny could have swung either way — toward Biafra or toward Nigeria. History chose the latter.

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Lifestyle

Ìwòyè-Kétu: The Yoruba Town That Spans Two Nations and Lives by Ancient Taboos

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Ìwòyè-Kétu is one of the most remarkable Yoruba communities in West Africa, not only for its deep-rooted traditions but also for its unique geopolitical identity. The ancient town straddles two modern nation-states—Nigeria and the Republic of Benin—yet remains culturally, spiritually, and traditionally unified as one Yoruba settlement.

A Town Without Borders in Spirit

Geographically, Ìwòyè-Kétu is primarily located in Imeko/Afon Local Government Area of Ogun State, Nigeria, while its western section lies across the international boundary in the Republic of Benin. This border, imposed during the colonial partition of Africa, cuts through the town but has failed to divide its people.

Families live on both sides of the boundary, speak the same Yoruba dialect, observe the same customs, and recognise one traditional authority. Daily life reflects this dual reality: residents freely transact using both the Nigerian naira and the West African CFA franc, depending on location and convenience.

Unified Kingship Across Nigeria and Benin

Despite existing in two countries, Ìwòyè-Kétu is governed traditionally by one paramount ruler. The recognised monarch is:

His Royal Majesty Oba (Sir) Isaac Adegbenro Oyero,
the Ooye of Ìwòyè-Kétu, also styled Adekilúrójú – Ada Páàkó II.

His authority is acknowledged by the community on both sides of the border, making Ìwòyè-Kétu a rare example of a binational Yoruba town under a single royal institution.

Origins in Ile-Ife

According to Yoruba oral tradition, Ìwòyè-Kétu was founded by Olúmu (or Olómù), a legendary migrant from Ilé-Ifẹ̀, the spiritual homeland of the Yoruba people. Like many Yoruba settlements, its founding narrative emphasises migration from Ife, reinforcing the town’s ancient roots within the broader Yoruba civilisational story.

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Ìwòyè-Kétu forms part of the historic Kétu region, once a powerful Yoruba kingdom before European colonial boundaries fragmented it between British-ruled Nigeria and French-ruled Dahomey (now Benin).

Sacred Taboos That Still Govern Daily Life

Ìwòyè-Kétu is widely known for its strict traditional prohibitions, which continue to be enforced by custom and belief:

Use of umbrellas is strictly forbidden anywhere within the town.

Rearing pigs is prohibited, and pork is traditionally avoided.

In some oral accounts, digging wells is either forbidden or tightly regulated.

These taboos are believed to be tied to ancestral covenants, spiritual agreements, and the town’s founding myths. Violations are traditionally thought to invite misfortune, reinforcing collective adherence across generations.

Language, Culture, and Continuity

Despite the Nigeria–Benin divide, Ìwòyè-Kétu remains culturally seamless. Yoruba language, customs, festivals, and lineage systems are shared. The town stands at a linguistic crossroads where English and French meet administratively, but Yoruba remains dominant socially and spiritually.

A Living Example of Pre-Colonial African Unity

Ìwòyè-Kétu exemplifies how pre-colonial African societies continue to transcend modern borders. Long before Nigeria or Benin existed, the town functioned as a single cultural entity—and it still does.
In an era where borders often define identity, Ìwòyè-Kétu reminds us that history, tradition, and shared ancestry can be stronger than lines drawn on maps.

Sources

Yoruba oral traditions and local historical accounts of Ìwòyè-Kétu

Ogun State local government and cultural heritage records (Imeko/Afon LGA)

Nigerian media reports and cultural features on Ìwòyè-Kétu’s taboos and binational status

Community welcome signage and local testimonies

Cross-border Yoruba history of the Kétu Kingdom (Nigeria–Benin)

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Emotan; The Benin Heroine (PHOTOS)

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Throughout history, in every culture around the world, extraordinary women have pushed society to think bigger, move forward and create.

Emotan is a glowing example of boundless courage and world-changing ingenuity.

Emotan a market woman, single-handedly raised an army and overthrew the illegal regime of Oba Uwaifiokun who usurped his brother and conspired with his chief to kill King Ewuare.

She protected Oba Ewuare in her hut and showed him kindness when he was trying to reclaim his throne back.

Emotan helped install Oba Ewuare the Great, who was the most outstanding Oba in the ancient Benin Kingdom around 1440AD.

Eventually, when Oba Ewuare regained his throne, Emotan became the King’s favourite citizen.

Moreso, her kindness wasn’t restricted to the Oba alone, history tells us that Emotan converted her hut to a crèche to help nursing mothers who patronized her or came to the market for other things.

At that time, her daycare centre was popular in Benin and it can be said authoritatively that she started the first-day care centre in Benin.

After her death, her body was buried at the Oba market at the exact spot where she sold her goods. A tree was planted on her grave and she is being worshipped as the mother of love and kindness

Source: Benin achive

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Michael Adekunle Ajasin (1908–1997): Scholar, Educationist, and Statesman of Principle

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Michael Adekunle Ajasin remains one of the most respected figures in Nigeria’s political and educational history, remembered for his intellectual depth, personal integrity, and unwavering commitment to democratic ideals and public education.

Born on 28 November 1908 in Owo, present-day Ondo State, Ajasin’s early life was shaped by discipline, learning, and service. He attended St. Andrew’s College, Oyo between 1924 and 1927, one of the foremost teacher-training institutions in colonial Nigeria. After qualifying as a teacher, he worked in the profession for several years, laying the foundation for what would become a lifelong dedication to education.

In 1943, Ajasin gained admission to Fourah Bay College, Sierra Leone, then one of the most prestigious higher institutions for Africans in British West Africa. He graduated in June 1946 with a Bachelor of Arts degree in English, Modern History, and Economics. Determined to deepen his professional competence, he proceeded to the Institute of Education, University of London, where he obtained a Postgraduate Diploma in Education in June 1947.

Family Life

Ajasin married Babafunke Tenabe, also a teacher, on 12 January 1939. Their marriage produced four children—two sons and two daughters. One of his daughters, Mrs Olajumoke Anifowoshe, distinguished herself in public service, becoming Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice in Ondo State, further reflecting the family’s strong tradition of civic engagement.

Educational Leadership

On 12 September 1947, Michael Adekunle Ajasin was appointed Principal of Imade College, Owo. His tenure was marked by visionary leadership and an aggressive staff development programme. Notably, he facilitated opportunities for teachers to pursue further training at University College, Ibadan, at a time when such advancement was rare.

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In December 1962, Ajasin left Imade College to establish Owo High School, where he served as founder, proprietor, and first principal from January 1963 to August 1975. Under his leadership, the school earned a reputation for academic excellence and discipline, reinforcing his belief that education was the most effective instrument for social transformation.

Political Thought and Early Activism

Ajasin was deeply involved in Nigeria’s nationalist and pre-independence politics. In 1951, he authored a policy paper that later became the education blueprint of the Action Group (AG), boldly advocating free education at all levels. This proposal would later be implemented in Western Nigeria under Chief Obafemi Awolowo and remains one of the most impactful social policies in Nigerian history.

He was among the founders of the Action Group, a party whose ideology centred on immediate independence from Britain, universal healthcare, and the eradication of poverty through sound economic planning. During the 1950s, Ajasin served as National Vice President of the Action Group.

Legislative and Local Government Service

Ajasin’s political career expanded steadily. He became an elected ward councillor, then Chairman of Owo District Council, which covered Owo and surrounding communities such as Idashen, Emure-Ile, Ipele, Arimogija, Ute, Elerenla, and Okeluse.

In 1954, he was elected to the Federal House of Representatives in Lagos, serving as a federal legislator until 1966, when military rule interrupted Nigeria’s First Republic. His years in parliament were characterised by advocacy for education, regional development, and constitutional governance.

Return to Politics and Governorship

In 1976, Ajasin became Chairman of Owo Local Government. With the return to civilian rule, he joined the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), the ideological successor to the Action Group.

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In 1979, he was elected Governor of Ondo State, with Akin Omoboriowo as his deputy. His administration prioritised education, rural development, and fiscal discipline. However, political tensions emerged when Omoboriowo defected to the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) and contested the 1983 gubernatorial election against him. Although Omoboriowo was initially declared winner, the results were later annulled, and Ajasin was sworn in for a second term.

His tenure was abruptly terminated by the military coup of 31 December 1983, which brought General Muhammadu Buhari to power.

Integrity and Personal Example

Michael Adekunle Ajasin was widely admired for his personal honesty. Reflecting on his years in office, he famously stated:

“I came into office in October 1979 with a set of my own rich native dresses and left office in December 1983 with the same set of dresses; no addition and no subtraction.”

He further noted that he owned no personal cars upon leaving office, having exhausted the two he had before assuming governorship. This statement has since become a benchmark for ethical leadership in Nigeria.

Pro-Democracy Struggle

In the 1990s, Ajasin emerged as a leading elder statesman within the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), which opposed military dictatorship and demanded the validation of Chief M.K.O. Abiola’s annulled June 12, 1993 presidential mandate.

In 1995, he was arrested by the Abacha military regime, alongside 39 other activists, for participating in what the government termed an illegal political meeting—an episode that underscored his lifelong commitment to democracy and civil liberties.

Educational Legacy

As governor, Ajasin signed into law the establishment of Ondo State University in 1982, located in Ado-Ekiti (now in Ekiti State). In 2000, during the administration of Chief Adebayo Adefarati, a new university in Akungba-Akoko was named Adekunle Ajasin University in his honour. He also played a key role in the establishment of The Polytechnic, Owo.

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Michael Adekunle Ajasin stands as a rare example of a Nigerian leader whose intellectual rigour, moral discipline, and public service aligned seamlessly. His legacy lives on through the institutions he built, the policies he shaped, and the enduring example of integrity he set in public life.

Source:
Ondo State Government Historical Records; Nigerian Political Biographies; Action Group Party Archives; Adekunle Ajasin University Documentation

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