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Govs budget N525bn for security as killings spread

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States across Nigeria earmarked a combined N525.23bn for security votes and related operations between 2023 and 2025, according to an analysis of figures extracted from their approved budget documents.

The states’ budgets are contained in Open States, a BudgIT-backed website that serves as a repository of government budget data.

The massive vote, intended to bolster security nationwide, raises critical concerns about the efficacy of these measures, as citizens remain increasingly vulnerable to the tide of violence.

Although the responsibility for ensuring the safety of lives and property lies with the Federal Government, the increasing wave of kidnapping, robbery, and other forms of violence has compelled many state governors to set up their own internal security strategies to combat the menace.

However, these efforts have not yielded the desired results as criminals continue to operate with impunity, terrorising the citizens.

The analysis is based on the budgets of 32 state governors, as Gombe, Kebbi, Niger and Yobe did not clearly disclose their allocations for security vote.

The PUNCH also observed that Ekiti did not clearly disclose this allocation in its 2025 approved budgets, which means the total figure should be higher than N525.23bn over the three years analysed.

Further analysis shows that states approved N150.47bn for security votes in 2023, rising to N164.07bn in 2024, before sharply increasing to N210.68bn in 2025.

The year-on-year growth shows that states added about N13.60bn to their security vote budgets in 2024, a rise of roughly 9.04 per cent over 2023, and then increased spending by a much larger N46.61bn in 2025, representing a jump of about 28.4 per cent over the 2024 level.

Compared with 2023, the amount budgeted in 2025 was higher by more than N60bn (about 40.01 per cent increase), highlighting how security vote allocations expanded rapidly within just three fiscal years.

The aggregate figures are driven by a handful of states with particularly large security vote provisions.

Borno State recorded the highest total over the three years at N57.40bn, reflecting the continuing cost of counterinsurgency and security operations in the North East.

Anambra State followed with N42.57bn, boosted by a sharp rise from N184.90m in 2023 to N17.28bn in 2024 and N25.10bn in 2025.

Delta State ranked next with N38.44bn, while Benue State posted N36.87bn over the period, with its allocation rising each year from N9.27bn in 2023 to N12bn in 2024 and N15.60bn in 2025.

Other high spenders included Ondo with N31.72bn, Zamfara with N31.40bn, Edo with N29.21bn, Adamawa with N27.00bn and Bauchi with N25.41bn.

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At the lower end of the scale, Rivers disclosed just N210m over the three years, while Akwa Ibom recorded N624m and Ekiti only N3.1m, showing wide disparities in how states reported or prioritised security vote spending.

In 2023, the highest security vote was recorded by Bauchi, which approved N17.39bn, narrowly ahead of Delta at N17.15bn. Bayelsa followed with N11.12bn, while Adamawa and Benue posted N9.95bn and N9.27bn, respectively.

Borno also ranked among the leading states that year with N8.92bn, reflecting the ongoing security challenges in the state.

The pattern shifted in 2024, when Zamfara emerged as the biggest spender with N17.40bn, followed closely by Anambra at N17.28bn and Borno at N15.65bn. Edo approved N12.87bn while Benue budgeted N12bn, keeping it among the top tier of states in terms of security vote allocations. Delta also remained high at N10.65bn.

By 2025, security vote spending had widened sharply. Borno topped the list with N32.83bn, far ahead of the rest.

Anambra followed with N25.10bn, while Oyo recorded an unusually large jump to N20.09bn, compared with just N26.5m in 2023 and N5.46m in 2024.

Benue posted N15.60bn, Ondo approved N11.50bn, and Edo set aside N11.35bn, with Delta maintaining its level at about N10.65bn.

The analysis also shows major fluctuations in some states’ allocations across the period. Bauchi fell sharply from N17.39bn in 2023 to just N12.8m in 2024 before rising again to N8bn in 2025.

Kano dropped from N2.10bn in 2023 to N11.93m in 2024 before rebounding to N5.62bn in 2025.

Ogun increased from N114.70m in 2023 to N2.20bn in 2024 and N2.80bn in 2025, while Anambra moved from a relatively small figure in 2023 to one of the largest allocations in the country by 2025.

Although Gombe, Kebbi, Niger and Yobe were not captured in the analysis, a regional breakdown of the figures shows that the North East accounted for the largest share of disclosed security vote spending over the three years, with a combined N113.78bn from Adamawa, Bauchi, Borno and Taraba, excluding Gombe and Yobe, which did not publish clear figures.

The region approved N39.12bn in 2023, N25.09bn in 2024, and N49.57bn in 2025, with the sharp rise in 2025 driven mainly by Borno’s N32.83bn.

The South East followed with N102.59bn from Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu and Imo. The region’s allocations rose from N21.07bn in 2023 to N39.55bn in 2024 and N41.97bn in 2025, largely on the back of Anambra’s surge in disclosed security spending.

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States in the South South budgeted a combined N98.36bn over the period, with N35.13bn in 2023, N34.02bn in 2024 and N29.21bn in 2025. The zone’s totals were driven mainly by Delta, Edo and Bayelsa, while Rivers reported relatively small amounts.

The North Central recorded N76.57bn across the three years from Benue, Kogi, Kwara, Nasarawa and Plateau, with N22.97bn in 2023, N25.27bn in 2024 and N28.33bn in 2025. Niger was not included because no clear figure was disclosed in its approved budgets.

In the North West, disclosed allocations from Jigawa, Kaduna, Kano, Katsina, Sokoto and Zamfara amounted to N70.77bn, comprising N19.02bn in 2023, N26.13bn in 2024 and N25.62bn in 2025, with Kebbi excluded due to non-disclosure.

The South West recorded the lowest disclosed three-year total at N63.16bn, but its spending profile changed sharply in 2025. The zone approved N13.16bn in 2023 and N14.00bn in 2024, before surging to N35.99bn in 2025, driven largely by Oyo’s N20.09bn and Ondo’s N11.50bn, alongside steady allocations from Lagos, Ogun, Osun and Ekiti.

The development comes amid renewed concerns over the unrelenting wave of killings, kidnappings, and destruction of properties across the country.

In Nigeria, security votes are special monthly allocations of public funds reserved by federal and state governments for security-related purposes.

Officially, the funds are intended to cover sensitive operations such as intelligence gathering, crisis response, and other emergencies that demand swift action without bureaucratic bottlenecks.

However, the secrecy surrounding their disbursement has long attracted criticism.

Analysts argue that, rather than enhancing public safety, security votes often double as political war chests or channels of personal enrichment for state governors.

Speaking earlier to The PUNCH, the National Coordinator of the Coalition of Northern Groups, Jamilu Charanchi, questioned the essence of the controversial allocation.

He noted that despite the reportedly huge sums disbursed, citizens in the North still faced worsening insecurity, dilapidated roads, failing hospitals, poor electricity supply, and a lack of access to quality education.

“What is a security vote? What are they doing with the security vote? Don’t we still have killings in the North? Don’t we still have bad roads, dilapidated structures and hospitals? Governments cannot provide health care services to their citizens.

“They cannot provide education. They cannot provide road infrastructure. Electricity is questionable. What are they doing with the money? What are they doing with the security vote?” he asked.

Charanchi further stressed that poverty was at the root of insecurity in the region, alleging that governors benefit from the current state of affairs.

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President Bola Tinubu, at a security conference, said a well-governed state is better equipped to address internal challenges and should not depend on federal agencies for safety.

He averred that the sorry state of the local government system has contributed to the developmental setbacks and the country’s inability to tackle the prevailing security threats.

“Sadly, the state of our local government system in Nigeria is a cause of concern, as its degradation and incapacitation have continued significantly and have contributed significantly to our developmental setback and our inability to effectively address the prevailing national security threat.

“We find ourselves trapped in a paradoxical situation where the very areas most affected by security classes are rendered powerless and unable to mount any meaningful resistance or defence.

“Local governments are the frontline defenders against insecurity, as they are closest to the people and possess intimate knowledge of their community’s needs and challenges. This is why some are advocating for community policing as a panacea to end security challenges,” he noted.

In December 2025, organised labour called on state governments and local government authorities to take greater responsibility for tackling Nigeria’s worsening insecurity, warning that the failure to act decisively is draining household incomes and restricting citizens’ freedom of movement.

Chairperson of the Nigeria Labour Congress, Lagos Chapter, Comrade Funmi Sessi, earlier said insecurity had gone beyond isolated incidents and now affects daily life and economic activity.

She said while security is often discussed as a federal issue, states and local governments must play a more active role because of their closeness to communities.

“States and local governments cannot fold their arms. They are closest to the people, they understand the terrain, and they receive security-related allocations. Nigerians deserve to see concrete results,” Sessi said.

Vice Chairman of the NLC Lagos Chapter, Comrade Olapisi Ido, also said insecurity persists partly because subnational governments have failed to translate funding into effective action.

“State governments receive special security allocations. The question Nigerians are asking is simple: what are they using the money for?” Ido said. “People are dying daily, and communities are living in fear.”

He said labour expects states and LGAs to invest more in intelligence gathering, community engagement, surveillance and rapid-response mechanisms.

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Step-by-step guide for contactless passport renewal for Nigerians abroad

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The Nigeria Immigration Service has released an updated step-by-step guide for Nigerians living abroad to renew their passports through its Contactless Passport Application System.

The Service announced the update in a post on its official X handle on Tuesday, encouraging Nigerians in the diaspora to take advantage of the digital platform.

According to the Service, the application process involves the following steps:

1. Visit the official NIS Passport Application portal.
2. Select Continue from the pop-up window.
3. Click Apply for Renewal/Re-issue.
4. Create an account and verify your identity using your National Identification Number and date of birth.
5. Complete the application form and choose your preferred processing embassy or high commission.
6. Upload the required documents.
7. Pay the passport fee for your selected booklet.
8. Obtain your Application ID and Reference Number.
9. Select the Contactless option under the Application Status/Book Appointment section.
10. Review the contactless instructions and click “I Understand and Opt In.”
11. Download the NIS Mobile App.
12. Log in or create a profile on the app.
13. Select Passport Application Services.
14. Click Passport Biometrics Enrolment, enter your Application ID and Reference Number, and check your eligibility.
15. Capture your facial image and fingerprints.
16. Complete the liveness verification.
17. Pay the contactless service fee.
18. Submit your biometrics.

The Service, however, noted that not all applicants would qualify for the contactless process.

“If response is INELIGIBLE, then it means applicant should return to the landing page of the portal to book physical appointment at the Embassy/High Commission,” it stated.

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For applicants who successfully complete the contactless biometric enrolment, the NIS said additional documents must be forwarded to the selected processing mission.

“Upon successful completion of biometrics via Contactless App, applicant should print-out the Application form, passport booklet payment, biometric payment, current Passport and enclose all in a self-addressed return envelope to the processing embassy selected during the application process,” the Service said.

It added that applicants would be able to monitor the progress of their applications after submission.

“Applicant may track successful application two weeks after submission via https://track.immigration.gov.ng or on the NIS Mobile App,” the Service added.

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PFIPC scandal: Ex-SGF Babachir Lawal suspects ‘big racket’ behind ‘fake’ agency’s budget code

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A former Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Babachir Lawal, has called for a judicial inquiry into the controversy surrounding the alleged fake Presidential Fiscal and Infrastructure Projects Council (PFIPC), arguing that the scandal points to deep institutional failures rather than a simple administrative error.

Speaking in an interview with ARISE NEWS on Monday, Lawal said the circumstances surrounding the alleged agency suggested the existence of a wider network that enabled it to function within government processes despite questions over its legal status.

He insisted that an administrative investigation alone would be insufficient. “I don’t think it should even be administrative alone; it should be a judicial inquiry”, the former SGF clearly stated.

Lawal questioned claims surrounding an alleged ₦27.5bn take-off grant reportedly linked to the agency, asking how such funds could have been approved and released if the organisation had no legal basis.

“Nigerians are talking about how N1.3bn was inserted into the budget. The man himself first said the quarrel came about because he refused to part with 48% of the 27-point-something billion Naira take-off grant. That money has been spent before this budget office was looking for the budget.

“Who gave him the money? It was not appropriated for; it’s not in any budget, that N27.5bn Naira for which he says somebody demanded 48%. Who gave him the money? How did the process of generating the request for the release come up? How did it go through?

“We are just talking about the tip of the iceberg here. Down there, before we got to here, N27.5bn had already been disbursed, according to him, as a take-off grant. How did that money get to him? It was not in the budget. So this is what should frighten us. If such money can go to a fictitious organisation, we only now begin to see it when we are quarrelling about how it got into the budget. How did that money get to them?”, Babachir queried.

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The former SGF argued that the controversy only became public because of disagreements over the sharing of funds rather than because government oversight mechanisms functioned effectively.

He continued,… “So you see, that’s how we got to know this to start with. That is the reason why we got to know this on his side of the coin. It’s about the sharing of the N27.5bn. That’s why the thing came up. So it didn’t work. It should have worked before that money left the government coffers into the account of the agency.”

Lawal also alleged that the scandal reflected broader institutional weaknesses within the current administration, arguing that the Office of the SGF should have detected any irregularities before the matter progressed through official channels.

He maintained that the SGF’s office bears responsibility for identifying and flagging agencies without legal backing before their requests or budgets proceed through government.

He said, “It’s institutional compromise, because in this, I sense there’s quite a big racket going on somewhere along the line. If the agency was created by maybe one big man alone, and then he wants to go through the budget process, the budget office assigns the budget code according to the chart of accounts in GIFMIS. So, how did they manage to assign the budget code for this agency that does not exist? Who inserted it?

“Because first of all, the budget office issues a budget call circular to MDAs, and everybody starts to prepare his budget according to the budget line. They give you ceilings, and you prepare your budget and forward it to the budget office as an agency or ministry. Now, the Ministry of Budget and Planning would, in our time, call every MDA to come and defend its budget. Now, if you don’t exist, how did they recognise that you are a genuine entity? Who gave out the budget code and allowed their budget to pass?

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“That’s what oversight is. The SGF should be able to know, because before it gets to the National Assembly, that budget goes through the SGF. Unless there’s a dereliction of duty by the SGF’s office, the responsibility to flag that this is a fake agency would have come from them.”

Lawal further criticised the National Assembly, accusing lawmakers of failing to thoroughly scrutinise budget proposals.

“It is a legislative oversight. This government—this National Assembly—has no interest in scrutinising the budget that comes before them. Most of the legislators just go in there to earn their salaries and collect allowances and go. They don’t scrutinise the budget line by line. We all know how this particular government works. There are some people that when they talk, nobody else has the authority to contravene.”

He also suggested that public attention should focus not only on the agency’s legal status but on the individuals who allegedly enabled its operations.

“Why are you interested in N27.5bn that had already been collected and spent? We are talking about an agency that we are claiming doesn’t exist. Maybe it exists, but it doesn’t have a legal framework for its existence. But it exists. And there are a lot of powerful people that make sure it exists in that form.

“Those are the people we need to expose. The Chief of Staff, in particular, is so powerful. The SGF is there, just reneging on his responsibilities. And nothing has happened now”, he concluded.

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Fake Agency Scandal: Gbajabiamila threatens Adeyemi with N10bn defamation suit

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Chief of Staff to the President, Femi Gbajabiamila, ha threatened to initiate legal steps against Prince Adeniyi Adeyemi, and demand N10 billion in damages over allegations linking him to murder, bribery and other criminal activities.

The move was conveyed in a letter dated July 6, 2026, signed by Senior Advocate of Nigeria, Kemi Pinheiro, on behalf of Pinheiro LP, the Chief of Staff’s legal representatives.

The dispute stems from a press conference held by Adeyemi on June 25, during which he accused Gbajabiamila of seeking a share of the alleged take-off funds of the Presidential Foreign Intervention Promotion Council (PFIPC), receiving money through intermediaries, abusing his office and participating in efforts to conceal wrongdoing.Death & Tragedy

During the briefing, Adeyemi also referred to the Chief of Staff as “a murderer” and “an assassin”.

The Presidency has consistently maintained that the PFIPC is a fictitious organisation, despite its appearance in the 2026 Appropriation Act.

Gbajabiamila’s lawyers dismissed all the allegations as entirely false and defamatory, saying they were intended to damage his reputation.

The letter stated: “not only false but gravely defamatory,” adding that the allegations were “designed to portray our client as corrupt, dishonest, criminally culpable, morally bankrupt, administratively incompetent, a murderer and unfit to occupy public office.”

According to the legal team, Adeyemi is already standing trial before the Federal High Court in Abuja in Charge No. FHC/ABJ/CR/652/2026, FRN v. Prince Adeniyi Adeyemi Matthew & Ors, over allegations including forgery of an appointment letter bearing Gbajabiamila’s purported signature and the alleged counterfeiting of Presidential letter-headed papers to present himself as a government official.Nigeria Investment Guide

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The lawyers further rejected Adeyemi’s claims that Gbajabiamila demanded 48 per cent of a purported N27.4 billion take-off grant for the council, amounting to about N12.5 billion, or that he received N400 million through proxies connected to appointments within the organisation.

Other allegations dismissed in the letter included claims that the Chief of Staff intimidated individuals and media organisations, manipulated budget processes, attempted to misuse security agencies and performed official duties while under the influence of intoxicating substances.Trending News Feed

Gbajabiamila also denied ever having any relationship with Adeyemi.

“You have never at any time met, interacted with, communicated with, or had any form of personal or official dealing whatsoever with him,” the lawyers wrote, adding that the decision to “fabricate and publish allegations against a person with whom you have had absolutely no relationship or interaction underscores the reckless, baseless and malicious nature of your publication.”

The legal team also criticised the timing of the allegations, noting that they were made after criminal proceedings had already been instituted against Adeyemi.

“It is even more disturbing to our client that you resorted to defaming him through your press statements after a criminal Charge had been filed against you,” the letter stated.

It added, “Trial by media remains unknown to Nigerian law and cannot be a substitute for due process.”Nigeria Investment Guide

Gbajabiamila’s lawyers demanded that Adeyemi immediately stop making further defamatory statements, remove all related videos, recordings and transcripts from every platform, issue a full retraction and apology in at least five national newspapers and across all social media platforms used to circulate the claims, and provide a written undertaking that he would refrain from making further allegations.

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The letter warned that failure to comply would result in both criminal defamation proceedings under the laws of the Federal Capital Territory and a civil lawsuit seeking N10 billion in aggravated and exemplary damages. The damages, it said, would be donated to a charity chosen by Gbajabiamila. The legal action would also seek a perpetual injunction and a court order compelling the publication of an apology.

The controversy centres on the PFIPC, which was listed in the 2026 Appropriation Act under the title Presidential Economic Advisory Council/Presidential Foreign Intervention Promotion Council and received more than N1.3 billion in budgetary allocations, including about N803 million for personnel, N200 million for overhead and N300 million for capital expenditure.

Adeyemi had argued during his June 25 press conference that an agency included in a budget signed by the President could not be regarded as non-existent.

However, the Presidency insists the council is fraudulent and has no legal existence.

Meanwhile, human rights lawyer Femi Falana has argued that the Presidency lacks the constitutional authority to clear anyone involved in the dispute and has called for an independent investigation into the allegations against both Gbajabiamila and Adeyemi.

Adeyemi is scheduled to appear before the Federal High Court on July 27, 2026.

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