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Senate reverses principal offices rule as Oshiomhole slams Akpabio

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The Senate on Thursday rescinded controversial amendments to its Standing Orders 2026 following concerns by lawmakers that some of the provisions were inconsistent with the 1999 Constitution.

The reversal came barely days after the upper chamber amended portions of its rules, a move that had triggered controversy and sharp exchanges among senators.

It, however, drew sharp rebuke from the senator representing Edo North, Adams Oshiomhole, as he called on Senate President Godswill Akpabio to resign from office.

The amendments had come amid growing interest by outgoing governors and political heavyweights, many of whom are positioning to enter the Senate in 2027 to contest for top leadership roles such as Senate President and Deputy Senate President.

No fewer than 10 governors and several former governors are already angling to secure senatorial tickets, leveraging their influence over party structures to emerge as consensus candidates in their respective states.

Also, Imo State Governor, Hope Uzodimma, currently in his second term but whose tenure will end in January 2028, has obtained form for the Senate, with political analysts suggesting he may be angling for the Senate Presidency.

Moving the motion during plenary, Senate Leader, Opeyemi Bamidele, said a fresh legislative and constitutional review revealed that some provisions introduced under Order 2 Subsection 2 and Order 3 Subsection 1 could conflict with Section 52 of the Constitution.

He said, “The Senate observes that upon further legislative and constitutional review, certain provisions introduced under Order 2 Subsection 2 and Order 3 Subsection 1 may give rise to constitutional inconsistencies and unintended tensions with the provisions of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 as amended, particularly Section 52 thereof.”

Bamidele explained that the Senate retained the parliamentary authority to revisit and reverse earlier decisions where necessary to safeguard the integrity of its proceedings.

He said the Senate “possesses the inherent parliamentary authority to revisit, rescind and recommit any matter previously decided upon in order to preserve the integrity of its proceedings and legislative framework.”

The chamber thereafter resolved to “rescind its earlier decisions relating to the amendments made to Order 2 Subsection 2 and Order 3 Subsection 1 of the Senate Standing Orders 2026.”

The motion was seconded by Enyinnaya Abaribe, the senator representing Abia South.

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Deputy Senate President, Jibrin Barau, who presided over the session, described the motion as necessary to align the Senate rules with constitutional provisions.

“This is a very straightforward motion — it’s just for us to go in conformity with the Constitution,” Barau said.

“I thank the Leader for being observant and up to his game as the Leader of the Senate by making this observation. It is something that is very clear, and we don’t need any debate in respect of this.”

Oshiomhole, again, faulted the process that led to the earlier amendments, arguing that lawmakers acted in haste to satisfy vested interests.

“The way we rushed the rules because certain people wanted certain things concluded is one flaw in this process.

“That is just the point I want to make — that next time we should allow debate,” he said.

His comments sparked another round of exchanges on the floor, prompting Bamidele to invoke Rule 52(6) of the Senate Standing Orders against reopening issues already decided without a substantive motion.

“If His Excellency, Distinguished Senator Adams Aliyu Oshiomhole, had any problem with the decisions that were taken with respect to the amendment two days ago, what he was expected to do was to bring a substantive motion for rescission to be debated on the floor of this parliament,” the Senate Leader said.

Bamidele also lamented that the controversy generated by the amendments and the ensuing disagreements had overshadowed the Senate’s legislative activities.

“Regardless of what was done in this hallowed chamber yesterday, what became the news out of this hallowed chamber was that of unnecessary drama, and we are not going to allow this to continue,” he added.

Oshiomhole, who spoke to journalists after the plenary, described the amended rules as being rooted in what he called a “moral crisis,” insisting that the process and content of the changes raised fundamental questions about fairness, eligibility and leadership ethics in the Senate.

He argued that Akpabio, by the new framework being debated, no longer meets the moral and procedural threshold to continue presiding over the chamber.

He stated, “This rule has a serious moral crisis. The Senate president became the minority leader in his first term. He is now the one presiding and asking us to change those rules, even those who have done one term can’t even contest.

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“As we speak today, the Senate president has not done eight years in office, even if you count the previous one plus the current one.

“So if we pass the rule that we must do eight consecutive years before you can become Senate president, it means he has to live by example by vacating because he is presiding without acquiring the necessary qualification.”

Drawing parallels with past leadership arrangements, Oshiomhole referenced former Senate President David Mark, warning against changing rules for political convenience after benefiting from them.

“More offensive to me is that as leaders who are products of by-laws, we must not make laws to perpetrate anyone. David Mark had the honour and privilege of serving as Senate president for eight years, not by playing by the rules.

“Those rules that enabled David Mark to preside for eight years, what happened to them? Why change them now? Because he fears that more senators will be eligible, which will broaden the competitive base. So he wants to soak it. If other people are afraid, I am not,” he added.

The Senate, however, dismissed reports linking the Presidency to its decision to reverse portions of the controversial amendments, insisting that the action was purely procedural and aimed at avoiding constitutional conflicts.

The clarification came hours after reports circulated in sections of the media alleging that the upper chamber had bowed to pressure from the Presidency to rescind aspects of the amended rules passed earlier in the week.

Speaking with journalists, Chairman of the Senate Committee on Judiciary, Human Rights and Legal Matters, Adeniyi Adegbomire, said the decision to revert to parts of the old procedure followed internal legislative review and concerns raised by lawmakers over constitutional implications.

According to him, the issue under contention related to whether senators-elect must first be sworn in before participating in the election of Senate presiding officers.

He said, “One of the orders that was considered was about whether you should take your oath of alliance and membership before elections.

“The proposal that was passed, among others, on Tuesday was that you be sworn in before you can vote. It was just a procedural change.

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“In the past, you didn’t have to be sworn in before you voted for the Senate President and Deputy Senate President, and now they said you must be sworn in first before the election.

“The issue of eligibility stays, and it is different from what we rescinded. We rescinded the order of oath-taking and eligibility to contest the election. This is for clarity.”

The Senate Standing Orders regulate legislative procedures and debates in the upper chamber, including the conduct of plenary sessions, motions, voting processes and disciplinary measures.

In the overturned amendment, the Senate, in the Revised Order 4, reinforced a strict hierarchy for the emergence of presiding officers, stating that “Nomination of senators to serve as Presiding Officers shall be in accordance with the ranking of senators and shall be strictly adhered to.

“The order of ranking are (i) Former President of the Senate, (ii) Former Deputy President of the Senate, (iii) Former Principal Officers of the Senate, (iv) Senators who had served at least one term of four years, (v) Senators who had been members of the House of Representatives, (vi) In the absence of i to v, senators elected into the Senate for the first time,” it stated.

Beyond this ranking structure, the Senate introduced a more stringent provision in Order 5, effectively excluding first-time and non-consecutive lawmakers from contesting principal offices.

The amended rule states: “Any senator shall not be eligible to contest for any principal office of the Senate unless he has served as a senator for at least two consecutive terms immediately preceding nomination.”

The implication is far-reaching: senators-elect who were not members of both the 9th and 10th National Assembly would be ineligible to vie for key leadership roles in the 11th Assembly.

Presiding offices in the Senate include the Senate President and Deputy Senate President, while principal offices comprise Senate Leader, Deputy Senate Leader, Chief Whip, Deputy Whip, Minority Leader, Deputy Minority Leader, Minority Whip and Deputy Minority Whip.

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Step-by-step guide for contactless passport renewal for Nigerians abroad

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The Nigeria Immigration Service has released an updated step-by-step guide for Nigerians living abroad to renew their passports through its Contactless Passport Application System.

The Service announced the update in a post on its official X handle on Tuesday, encouraging Nigerians in the diaspora to take advantage of the digital platform.

According to the Service, the application process involves the following steps:

1. Visit the official NIS Passport Application portal.
2. Select Continue from the pop-up window.
3. Click Apply for Renewal/Re-issue.
4. Create an account and verify your identity using your National Identification Number and date of birth.
5. Complete the application form and choose your preferred processing embassy or high commission.
6. Upload the required documents.
7. Pay the passport fee for your selected booklet.
8. Obtain your Application ID and Reference Number.
9. Select the Contactless option under the Application Status/Book Appointment section.
10. Review the contactless instructions and click “I Understand and Opt In.”
11. Download the NIS Mobile App.
12. Log in or create a profile on the app.
13. Select Passport Application Services.
14. Click Passport Biometrics Enrolment, enter your Application ID and Reference Number, and check your eligibility.
15. Capture your facial image and fingerprints.
16. Complete the liveness verification.
17. Pay the contactless service fee.
18. Submit your biometrics.

The Service, however, noted that not all applicants would qualify for the contactless process.

“If response is INELIGIBLE, then it means applicant should return to the landing page of the portal to book physical appointment at the Embassy/High Commission,” it stated.

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For applicants who successfully complete the contactless biometric enrolment, the NIS said additional documents must be forwarded to the selected processing mission.

“Upon successful completion of biometrics via Contactless App, applicant should print-out the Application form, passport booklet payment, biometric payment, current Passport and enclose all in a self-addressed return envelope to the processing embassy selected during the application process,” the Service said.

It added that applicants would be able to monitor the progress of their applications after submission.

“Applicant may track successful application two weeks after submission via https://track.immigration.gov.ng or on the NIS Mobile App,” the Service added.

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PFIPC scandal: Ex-SGF Babachir Lawal suspects ‘big racket’ behind ‘fake’ agency’s budget code

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A former Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Babachir Lawal, has called for a judicial inquiry into the controversy surrounding the alleged fake Presidential Fiscal and Infrastructure Projects Council (PFIPC), arguing that the scandal points to deep institutional failures rather than a simple administrative error.

Speaking in an interview with ARISE NEWS on Monday, Lawal said the circumstances surrounding the alleged agency suggested the existence of a wider network that enabled it to function within government processes despite questions over its legal status.

He insisted that an administrative investigation alone would be insufficient. “I don’t think it should even be administrative alone; it should be a judicial inquiry”, the former SGF clearly stated.

Lawal questioned claims surrounding an alleged ₦27.5bn take-off grant reportedly linked to the agency, asking how such funds could have been approved and released if the organisation had no legal basis.

“Nigerians are talking about how N1.3bn was inserted into the budget. The man himself first said the quarrel came about because he refused to part with 48% of the 27-point-something billion Naira take-off grant. That money has been spent before this budget office was looking for the budget.

“Who gave him the money? It was not appropriated for; it’s not in any budget, that N27.5bn Naira for which he says somebody demanded 48%. Who gave him the money? How did the process of generating the request for the release come up? How did it go through?

“We are just talking about the tip of the iceberg here. Down there, before we got to here, N27.5bn had already been disbursed, according to him, as a take-off grant. How did that money get to him? It was not in the budget. So this is what should frighten us. If such money can go to a fictitious organisation, we only now begin to see it when we are quarrelling about how it got into the budget. How did that money get to them?”, Babachir queried.

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The former SGF argued that the controversy only became public because of disagreements over the sharing of funds rather than because government oversight mechanisms functioned effectively.

He continued,… “So you see, that’s how we got to know this to start with. That is the reason why we got to know this on his side of the coin. It’s about the sharing of the N27.5bn. That’s why the thing came up. So it didn’t work. It should have worked before that money left the government coffers into the account of the agency.”

Lawal also alleged that the scandal reflected broader institutional weaknesses within the current administration, arguing that the Office of the SGF should have detected any irregularities before the matter progressed through official channels.

He maintained that the SGF’s office bears responsibility for identifying and flagging agencies without legal backing before their requests or budgets proceed through government.

He said, “It’s institutional compromise, because in this, I sense there’s quite a big racket going on somewhere along the line. If the agency was created by maybe one big man alone, and then he wants to go through the budget process, the budget office assigns the budget code according to the chart of accounts in GIFMIS. So, how did they manage to assign the budget code for this agency that does not exist? Who inserted it?

“Because first of all, the budget office issues a budget call circular to MDAs, and everybody starts to prepare his budget according to the budget line. They give you ceilings, and you prepare your budget and forward it to the budget office as an agency or ministry. Now, the Ministry of Budget and Planning would, in our time, call every MDA to come and defend its budget. Now, if you don’t exist, how did they recognise that you are a genuine entity? Who gave out the budget code and allowed their budget to pass?

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“That’s what oversight is. The SGF should be able to know, because before it gets to the National Assembly, that budget goes through the SGF. Unless there’s a dereliction of duty by the SGF’s office, the responsibility to flag that this is a fake agency would have come from them.”

Lawal further criticised the National Assembly, accusing lawmakers of failing to thoroughly scrutinise budget proposals.

“It is a legislative oversight. This government—this National Assembly—has no interest in scrutinising the budget that comes before them. Most of the legislators just go in there to earn their salaries and collect allowances and go. They don’t scrutinise the budget line by line. We all know how this particular government works. There are some people that when they talk, nobody else has the authority to contravene.”

He also suggested that public attention should focus not only on the agency’s legal status but on the individuals who allegedly enabled its operations.

“Why are you interested in N27.5bn that had already been collected and spent? We are talking about an agency that we are claiming doesn’t exist. Maybe it exists, but it doesn’t have a legal framework for its existence. But it exists. And there are a lot of powerful people that make sure it exists in that form.

“Those are the people we need to expose. The Chief of Staff, in particular, is so powerful. The SGF is there, just reneging on his responsibilities. And nothing has happened now”, he concluded.

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Fake Agency Scandal: Gbajabiamila threatens Adeyemi with N10bn defamation suit

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Chief of Staff to the President, Femi Gbajabiamila, ha threatened to initiate legal steps against Prince Adeniyi Adeyemi, and demand N10 billion in damages over allegations linking him to murder, bribery and other criminal activities.

The move was conveyed in a letter dated July 6, 2026, signed by Senior Advocate of Nigeria, Kemi Pinheiro, on behalf of Pinheiro LP, the Chief of Staff’s legal representatives.

The dispute stems from a press conference held by Adeyemi on June 25, during which he accused Gbajabiamila of seeking a share of the alleged take-off funds of the Presidential Foreign Intervention Promotion Council (PFIPC), receiving money through intermediaries, abusing his office and participating in efforts to conceal wrongdoing.Death & Tragedy

During the briefing, Adeyemi also referred to the Chief of Staff as “a murderer” and “an assassin”.

The Presidency has consistently maintained that the PFIPC is a fictitious organisation, despite its appearance in the 2026 Appropriation Act.

Gbajabiamila’s lawyers dismissed all the allegations as entirely false and defamatory, saying they were intended to damage his reputation.

The letter stated: “not only false but gravely defamatory,” adding that the allegations were “designed to portray our client as corrupt, dishonest, criminally culpable, morally bankrupt, administratively incompetent, a murderer and unfit to occupy public office.”

According to the legal team, Adeyemi is already standing trial before the Federal High Court in Abuja in Charge No. FHC/ABJ/CR/652/2026, FRN v. Prince Adeniyi Adeyemi Matthew & Ors, over allegations including forgery of an appointment letter bearing Gbajabiamila’s purported signature and the alleged counterfeiting of Presidential letter-headed papers to present himself as a government official.Nigeria Investment Guide

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The lawyers further rejected Adeyemi’s claims that Gbajabiamila demanded 48 per cent of a purported N27.4 billion take-off grant for the council, amounting to about N12.5 billion, or that he received N400 million through proxies connected to appointments within the organisation.

Other allegations dismissed in the letter included claims that the Chief of Staff intimidated individuals and media organisations, manipulated budget processes, attempted to misuse security agencies and performed official duties while under the influence of intoxicating substances.Trending News Feed

Gbajabiamila also denied ever having any relationship with Adeyemi.

“You have never at any time met, interacted with, communicated with, or had any form of personal or official dealing whatsoever with him,” the lawyers wrote, adding that the decision to “fabricate and publish allegations against a person with whom you have had absolutely no relationship or interaction underscores the reckless, baseless and malicious nature of your publication.”

The legal team also criticised the timing of the allegations, noting that they were made after criminal proceedings had already been instituted against Adeyemi.

“It is even more disturbing to our client that you resorted to defaming him through your press statements after a criminal Charge had been filed against you,” the letter stated.

It added, “Trial by media remains unknown to Nigerian law and cannot be a substitute for due process.”Nigeria Investment Guide

Gbajabiamila’s lawyers demanded that Adeyemi immediately stop making further defamatory statements, remove all related videos, recordings and transcripts from every platform, issue a full retraction and apology in at least five national newspapers and across all social media platforms used to circulate the claims, and provide a written undertaking that he would refrain from making further allegations.

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The letter warned that failure to comply would result in both criminal defamation proceedings under the laws of the Federal Capital Territory and a civil lawsuit seeking N10 billion in aggravated and exemplary damages. The damages, it said, would be donated to a charity chosen by Gbajabiamila. The legal action would also seek a perpetual injunction and a court order compelling the publication of an apology.

The controversy centres on the PFIPC, which was listed in the 2026 Appropriation Act under the title Presidential Economic Advisory Council/Presidential Foreign Intervention Promotion Council and received more than N1.3 billion in budgetary allocations, including about N803 million for personnel, N200 million for overhead and N300 million for capital expenditure.

Adeyemi had argued during his June 25 press conference that an agency included in a budget signed by the President could not be regarded as non-existent.

However, the Presidency insists the council is fraudulent and has no legal existence.

Meanwhile, human rights lawyer Femi Falana has argued that the Presidency lacks the constitutional authority to clear anyone involved in the dispute and has called for an independent investigation into the allegations against both Gbajabiamila and Adeyemi.

Adeyemi is scheduled to appear before the Federal High Court on July 27, 2026.

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