This is not just the story of colonial conquest. It is the story of the first OIL WAR, a war not fought over petroleum, but over palm oil, in the territories that would later become Nigeria.
Before the first drop of crude was ever drilled in Oloibiri, there was already a fierce battle for control over a different kind of oil: the red gold of the tropics.
In the 19th century, as the Industrial Revolution thundered across Britain and Europe, the demand for lubricants to keep machines running was insatiable. And at the heart of that demand was palm oil, a sticky red substance extracted from the fruit of a native African tree. This oil was used to grease machines, produce candles, soaps, etc.
The Niger Delta, then part of the region Europeans called the “Oil Rivers,” was the world’s richest source of this commodity. For centuries, the same Delta had served as a major slave-exporting hub, but by the 1870s, as abolition gained ground, slaves were replaced by palm oil as the primary export. The coast once known for bondage was now valued for commerce. African traders, many of them former slaves or descendants of returnees, became immensely wealthy. One of the most famous among them was King Jaja of Opobo, a self-made merchant-king who built a thriving trade empire on the strength of palm oil and personal diplomacy. These African merchants understood global trade and negotiated directly with European companies.
But African prosperity was never allowed to grow unchecked for long. By the late 1800s, European commercial rivalry was boiling over into political intrigue. British, French, and German merchants vied for dominance in the West African market. In 1879, a Cornishman named George Taubman Goldie began consolidating several British trading firms into a single entity. He formed the United African Company (UAC). With this company, Goldie initially envisioned dominating the palm oil trade on the Niger River. After that, he envisioned something more than trade, he wanted sovereignty.
Through aggressive expansion, Goldie’s company secured treaties with local chiefs along the Niger and Benue Rivers, gaining de facto control of vast inland territories. By 1884, Goldie’s company operated about 30 trading posts and used its economic leverage to argue at the Berlin Conference (the infamous 1884–85 summit where European powers divided Africa among themselves) that Britain should be awarded exclusive rights to the Niger Basin.
The British won the argument. The next year, in 1886, Goldie’s company received a Royal Charter from the British Crown, becoming the Royal Niger Company (RNC), a private corporation with governmental powers, similar to the old British East India Company. It could make treaties, raise its own military force, collect taxes, administer justice, and govern the vast areas along the Niger and Benue Rivers.
In effect, Nigeria was not yet a British colony, it was a private corporate colony ruled by a for-profit company headquartered in London.
To the local chiefs, the new company agents spoke of free trade and mutual prosperity. But behind these assurances were binding English contracts designed to establish monopolies, giving the company exclusive trading rights and ceding sovereignty to the British Crown. This meant the chiefs could only sell palm oil to the Royal Niger Company. Any attempt to export independently was treated as economic rebellion. Many chiefs, including King Jaja of Opobo, resisted.
King Jaja of Opobo was one such rebel. Despite his previous cooperation with the British, he refused to be dictated to. When he began exporting palm oil directly to Liverpool merchants, he was arrested in 1887, exiled to the West Indies, and never saw his kingdom again. He died in 1891 on his way home, allegedly poisoned with a cup of tea.
By the 1890s, resistance was rising. In the kingdom of Nembe, in today’s Bayelsa State, a new monarch, King Koko Mingi VIII, ascended the throne in 1889. Koko was an educated Christian convert and former schoolteacher. But he soon found himself at odds with the Royal Niger Company’s chokehold on trade. Like Jaja before him, he tried to bypass the company’s monopoly by seeking commercial ties with the Germans in Kamerun. But the company retaliated by blockading his kingdom from its traditional markets.
Tired of negotiations and betrayal, King Koko struck back. On 29 January 1895, before dawn, he led over 1,000 warriors in a surprise attack on the Royal Niger Company’s heavily guarded headquarters at Akassa. In what became known as the Brass Raid, Koko’s forces captured the station, seized arms and ammunition, including a Maxim machine gun, and took 60 European hostages. Koko demanded that the British lift their monopoly and allow Nembe to trade freely.
The British government refused to negotiate. In response, King Koko executed about forty of the hostages, an act the British termed cannibalism, a fabrication meant to justify vengeance.
On 20 February 1895, the Royal Navy retaliated under Admiral Frederick Bedford, launching a brutal punitive expedition. They bombarded Nembe town (Brass) and burned it to the ground. Hundreds were killed. Survivors suffered famine and diseases such as smallpox.
King Koko went into hiding. The town of Brass was fined £500, a fortune at the time, and forced to surrender weapons and surviving hostages.
In 1898, King Koko, declared an outlaw and unable to rally sufficient support for further resistance, died by suicide in exile. Around the same time, Oba Ovonramwen of Benin was also deposed following the Benin Punitive Expedition in 1897, signalling the final collapse of powerful indigenous resistance in southern Nigeria.
Back in London, the public outcry over the Brass Massacre and the RNC’s excesses led to parliamentary pressure. The British Parliament opened an inquiry, but rather than punish the Royal Niger Company, the Crown did something far more significant, it decided that a private corporation could no longer be trusted with the government of a people.
In 1899, the British revoked the Royal Charter of the Royal Niger Company. But it did not come for free.
The British bought out the company’s rights, territories, and infrastructure for the sum of £865,000, the equivalent of £108 million today. That was the price Britain paid to acquire the territory that would become Nigeria.
It was not a conquest in the conventional sense, it was a transaction. Nigeria was, quite literally, sold.
And who sold it?
The man at the centre of the deal was Sir George Taubman Goldie, the imperialist who had envisioned and built the corporate company that took over Nigeria’s territories. In many ways, he was Nigeria’s unofficial founder, though he never ruled the colony formally. He sold Nigeria to the British Crown in 1899 for £865,000, and for his services to empire, he was later knighted.
On 1 January 1900, the Southern and Northern Protectorates were formally declared under British rule.
The company was gone. But its legacy of economic exploitation, monopolistic control, and indirect rule would persist.
The company itself didn’t die. It rebranded and evolved. The Royal Niger Company merged into what we know today as Unilever, a multinational that still trades in Africa.
This is not just a footnote in colonial history. It is the story of how an entire country people, kingdoms, resources, rivers, was commodified, negotiated, and sold. It reminds us that empire was not only built with gunboats, but also with contracts, shares, and profits.
Nigeria, long before independence, had already been bought and sold.
The Ohanaeze Ndigbo Worldwide has rejected the controversial installation of an “Igwe Ndigbo na East London” in East London, South Africa.
It stated that the title is not recognised and lacks legal backing.
The PUNCH had earlier reported that violent unrest broke out on Monday in the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa following protests against the coronation, with demonstrators torching vehicles and looting shops owned by foreign nationals.
Video evidence shared on X showed protesters setting several vehicles and buildings allegedly belonging to foreigners ablaze, as security forces intensified efforts to restore order.
The outrage has continued to grow, with foreign-owned properties becoming primary targets.
However, in a statement by its National Publicity Secretary, Ezechi Chukwu, the group expressed concern over tensions triggered by the development, noting reports of attacks on innocent persons and destruction of property.
The statement read, “We express deep concern over the resulting disturbances, condemn the unwarranted attacks on innocent persons and destruction of property and call on relevant authorities to take necessary steps to prevent further escalation.”
The organisation condemned the violence and urged South African authorities to act swiftly to prevent further breakdown of law and order.
Ohanaeze stressed that the Igbo are globally known for their peaceful disposition, enterprise and respect for the laws of their host communities, as it dissociated itself from any conduct that contravenes local customs and traditions.
It clarified that the purported installation in East London “only amounts to a mere nominal observance since it is not backed by any law.”
The group further noted that, in line with the position of the South East Council of Traditional Rulers, it did not recognise the conferment of the “Eze Ndigbo” title outside Igbo land.
Ohanaeze advised Igbo communities in the diaspora to adopt non-kingship titles such as “Onyendu” for internal coordination to avoid misrepresentation.
It also urged Igbo residents abroad to conduct themselves with discipline and respect for the laws of their host countries, while calling on the South African government and citizens to uphold peaceful coexistence.
The group appealed for calm, mutual respect and constructive engagement among all parties involved.
On Sunday, dignitaries from different political divides were present at the Central Mosque, Abuja, in honour of Hajiya Umma El-Rufai, the deceased mother of the former governor of Kaduna State, Mallam Nasir El-Rufai.
From his residence in Abuja to the mosque and lastly to the Gudu cemetery, both members of the opposition parties and the ruling party were present to offer condolences.
Specifically, his successor, Governor Uba Sani, the National Security Adviser, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, were present in his house and at the funeral prayers.
The two had parted ways politically with El-Rufai, though they were mutual friends before.
Also present were former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, 2023 Labour Party presidential candidate, Peter Obi, former governor of Rivers State, Rotimi Amaechi, former governor of Sokoto State, Aminu Tambuwal, and ex-Adamawa State governor, Jibrilla Bindow.
All Progressives Congress governors were also in attendance, including Governors Babagana Zulum (Borno) and Mohammed Bago (Niger); former national chairman of APC, Abdullahi Ganduje; former Minister of Interior, Abdulrahman Dambazau, among others.
The 16th Emir of Kano, Lamido Sanusi, a former Zamfara State governor, Abdulaziz Yari, Senator Shehu Sani and billionaire businessman, Aliko Dangote, were also present.
At the interment of Hajiya El-Rufai at the Gudu Cemetery, Abuja, on Sunday, the former Minister of Communications and Digital Economy, Isa Pantami, held the two estranged friends (El-Rufai and Sani) by their shoulders and spoke a few words capable of melting the hardest of hearts.
Looking across his shoulders, he said, “Let us focus on the things that unite us because they are more than the things that divide us.
This life and everything it contains will end, and the grave is our end. No matter how you strive, you won’t get anything until Allah (God) grants it to you.”
Atiku had earlier announced his attendance in a post on his verified X handle, saying, “Today, I joined family, friends and associates of Mallam Nasir El-Rufai and the extended El-Rufai family at the Janazah (funeral prayer) of the matriarch of the family, Hajiya Umma El-Rufai.
“May God continue to comfort the family and all who mourn her. And may Allah grant her Aljannah Firdaus. Amin.”
Prominent Nigerians, including President Bola Tinubu, had earlier paid tributes to the deceased.
Tinubu, in a statement signed by his spokesman, Bayo Onanuga, commiserated with El-Rufai, urging him to find the strength to move on in the absence of his beloved mother.
“Nasir, please accept my heartfelt condolences on the passing of your beloved mother, Hajiya Umma, which happened today (Friday) in Cairo. As someone who had also lost an old mother, I share in your grief,” Onanuga wrote on behalf of President Tinubu.
Sani also earlier extended condolences on behalf of the Kaduna State Government and its people, describing the late Hajiya Umma as “a devoted mother and matriarch, a woman of rare grace, moral clarity, and quiet strength,” who embodied faith, patience, generosity, and community reconciliation.
“On behalf of the government and people of Kaduna State, I extend my deepest condolences to His Excellency, Mallam Nasir El-Rufai, and the entire El-Rufai family on the passing of their beloved mother, Hajiya Umma El-Rufai,” Sani said.
The National Chairman of the APC, Prof Nentawe Yilwatda, visited El-Rufai and his family, urging them to put their faith in God at all times.
He posted, “I visited the home of Mallam Nasir El-Rufai to commiserate with him and the entire family on the painful loss of his beloved mother, Hajiya Umma El-Rufai, who passed away yesterday (Friday).
“The death of a mother is a deeply personal and irreplaceable loss. It is a moment of profound grief not only for the immediate family, but also for all who understand the priceless role of a mother in the life of her children and family.
“Mama lived a fulfilled life and, by the grace of God, leaves behind a legacy through her children, family and all those whose lives she touched.
“At this difficult time, I pray that Almighty Allah forgives her shortcomings, grants her Aljannatul Firdaus, and comforts Mallam Nasir El-Rufai, the entire El-Rufai family, and all loved ones she left behind. May Allah grant the family the strength, patience and fortitude to bear this painful loss,” the APC Chairman wrote.
Also, the immediate past governor of Ekiti State and former Chairman of the Nigerian Governors’ Forum, Dr Kayode Fayemi, expressed deep sorrow over the passing of Hajiya Umma.
In a statement issued on Sunday by the Fayemi Media Office, the ex-governor described her death as a profound loss, not only to the El-Rufai family but also to all who were touched by her life of humility, faith, and service.
He noted that the late Hajiya Umma lived a life defined by strong moral values, devotion to family, and commitment to community—qualities he said are reflected in her son’s life and public service.
“I received with deep sadness the news of the passing of Hajiya Umma El-Rufai. Her departure is a painful loss, but we take solace in the exemplary life she lived and the legacy she leaves behind,” Fayemi said.
The death came at a time when El-Rufai was in the custody of the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission following his arrest over allegations of corruption and money laundering.
He was arraigned before a Federal High Court in Kaduna on March 24 on a 10-count charge, with the case adjourned until March 31, 2026, for hearing of pending applications, including his bail request.
He was released temporarily from the ICPC custody, reportedly to witness the burial rites of his mother.
According to Adenuga, the actor was initially removed from the role due to serious misconduct, including attempts to claim ownership of the Papa Ajasco brand.
Veteran filmmaker Wale Adenuga has revealed the reasons behind the removal and subsequent return of Abiodun Ayoyinka in his role as Papa Ajasco.
According to Adenuga, the actor was initially removed from the role due to serious misconduct, including attempts to claim ownership of the Papa Ajasco brand.
The conflict reportedly began when Ayoyinka organised a tour using the Papa Ajasco name without informing the production team.
The situation escalated after the Nigerian Copyright Commission discovered that he had tried to register the brand under his name, even though the producers already held the legal rights.
Adenuga, in an interview with Punch, described this act as a betrayal that led to the actor’s dismissal.
Despite the controversy, Ayoyinka was later brought back to the role, a decision Adenuga said was based on practicality and the actor’s talent rather than personal feelings.
He noted that while talented actors can be challenging, their skills sometimes make them indispensable.
The producer also discussed changes in the entertainment industry, mentioning that his productions have adapted to digital platforms.
Shows like Akpan and Oduma are now distributed mainly on YouTube, while WAPTV maintains an online presence and mobile app to reach audiences.
On the topic of royalties and actor welfare, Adenuga said the current system needs reform and that responsibility should not rest solely on producers.
He suggested that a well-structured industry could ensure fair compensation and long-term support for actors, reducing the burden on individual production teams.
He said, “That level of betrayal led to his dismissal. I understand the psychology of actors. Sometimes the most talented can also be the most difficult. As a producer, you sometimes have to choose between talent and temperament. Despite everything, I would still work with him because he is a good actor. Our content is now on social media.
“Some productions like Akpan and Oduma are distributed primarily on YouTube, while WAPTV also has an online presence and app. I agree that actors should benefit more in a structured system. It is not the sole responsibility of producers to manage long-term welfare. A proper industry structure would ensure that everyone is taken care of.”
