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Gombe’s 180-day justice deadline sparks debate over endless pre-trial detentions

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Newly posted Controller of Correctional Service in Gombe State, Agada Felix-Audu, recently declared that no suspect should spend more than 180 days awaiting trial before conviction or acquittal, thereby reigniting scrutiny of Nigeria’s justice system, where over 53,000 of 81,000 inmates are still awaiting trial—some for years over petty offences, writes CHIMA AZUBUIKE

When Agada Felix-Audu, the newly posted Controller of the Correctional Service in Gombe State, declared that no suspect should spend more than 180 days awaiting trial before being either convicted or acquitted, his words reverberated beyond the conference hall. They touched the very heart of Nigeria’s criminal justice system.

For decades, Nigeria’s custodial centres have been filled not only with hardened convicts but with men and women who have not yet been found guilty of crime. Some individuals are languishing behind bars over allegations of theft of a mobile phone or issues over repayment of a N20,000 loan. Sometimes, this is because their cases were not heard promptly or because they could not “do the needful”, often demanded to expedite their files.

Felix-Audu’s pronouncement at his familiarisation visit to the Secretary to the Government of Gombe State, Prof Ibrahim Abubakar-Njodi, was both bold and simple: “Within 180 days, a suspect awaiting trial must either be convicted or acquitted, no matter the crime committed.” But is this feasible in a justice system typically plagued by delays, underfunding, corruption, and human rights violations?

Across Nigeria, the statistics paint a grim picture. According to the Nigerian Correctional Service 2024 annual report, out of approximately 77,000 inmates nationwide, more than 52,000 are awaiting trial, that is, nearly 70 per cent of the total prison population. Some inmates have been in pre-trial detention for more than five years, despite being accused of offences carrying maximum sentences of two years or less. By August 2025, the number rose to 53,460 awaiting trial, with 81,000 inmates nationwide.

In Gombe State, the situation mirrors the national crisis. The state’s five custodial centres—Gombe, Nafada, Bajoga, Cham, and Billiri—are home to thousands of inmates, the vast majority of whom are awaiting trial. Cases drag on for reasons ranging from incomplete police investigations to prosecutors deliberately inflating charges for personal gain. Courtrooms are few and under-resourced, while magistrates juggle overwhelming caseloads.

Against this background, the call for a 180-day limit feels both urgent and aspirational. For those languishing in cells, it could mean the difference between life and death, between hope and despair.

At the Gombe custodial centre,  Aisha, a female inmate who was remanded pending trial, narrated her ordeal with quiet resignation. “For the time I spent there, I didn’t eat rice with stew, whether with groundnut oil or palm oil. The food lacked salt. The rice comes in small quantities—it won’t satisfy even a child.”

Her account is echoed by others across the state. Elijah, a former inmate from Plateau State who served in Gombe custodial centre, recounted how he entrusted N8,000 to prison records upon arrival.

“When he fell sick, part of the money was spent on medicine. Upon release, only N3,000 was returned. Worse still, the police officers who came to take him to court proceedings collected another N2,000,” Elijah said.

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Past inmates report disturbing conditions of incarceration, including bug-ridden mattresses and poor quality of meals. They also claim that mats are hoarded by prison officials, leaving some inmates to sleep on bare floors. “Kunu, a watery millet drink, is often the only breakfast available, unless inmates can afford to buy food. Lunch might be a cup of garri, without sugar or water. Dinner is a small cup of rice shared among three people on a rubber plate.

“If you have money, you will buy water. If you don’t, you eat like that,” Peter, another inmate, explained.

A family member of one of the inmates,  who identified himself as Sambo Danti, said payment at an opposite point that serves as a clearing stand is most disappointing, describing it as a conduit of corruption.

Danti said, “This reality is compounded by extortion at every level. Inmates and their families are forced to pay for services that should be free, from faster case processing to better food portions.

“You are made to pay N200 for the form before going in to see your family member. I wonder what the N200 form is for. I wonder what it will solve. But without it, you can’t gain access. Upon entry, you are made to drop all your phones for fear of incriminating evidence, but they forget that we now have other recording devices like a pen, glasses, but of course, that wasn’t my intention.

“I have seen family members who were asked to go home because they couldn’t afford an entry pass. I doubt if the money they make is remitted as revenue.”

Assistant Chief Admin Officer at the National Human Rights Commission in Gombe, Ndam Nanfa, offered a scathing assessment of corruption within custodial facilities.

Nanfa said, “How will you explain a situation where, in prison, if an inmate has N1,000 in custody, officials only release N500 and keep the rest? Imagine how much more they take when the money is bigger.”

“The rot is not confined to correctional officials,” she added.

Nanfa alleged that prosecutors also exploit families. “If a magistrate fines a suspect N5,000, prosecutors can demand N30,000 from the family, plus another N30,000 for logistics. Failure to pay lands the suspect in prison.”

“Such practices not only prolong incarceration but also reinforce the perception that justice in Nigeria is for sale. For the poor, the inability to pay means endless waiting; for the rich, it is merely another cost of doing business,” Nanfa said.

While this debate rages, what happens to inmates in Gombe, Nafada, Bajoga, Cham, and Billiri custodial centres who continue to languish in squalid conditions, surviving on meals of plain rice without stew, bug-ridden beds, and the constant shadow of extortion?

The Controller’s 180-day proposal is not an entirely new idea. The Nigerian Constitution under Section 35(4) already requires that any person arrested or detained on suspicion of committing an offence must be arraigned in court within a reasonable time, defined as one day in cases where a court is within a forty-kilometre radius, or two days otherwise.

Furthermore, the Administration of Criminal Justice Act 2015 and its state-level adaptations sought to eliminate unnecessary delays by introducing stricter timelines for trials, case management powers for judges, and provisions for non-custodial sentencing.

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However, implementation remains the Achilles’ heel. Police still complain of a lack of resources, prosecutors are stretched thin, courts are congested, and the political will to enforce discipline in the system is often weak. What Felix-Audu did was to translate these lofty legal aspirations into a concrete, time-bound call: 180 days, no more.

Felix-Audu’s further suggestion of a centralised Database Management System, hosted by the Ministry of Justice, to synchronise police investigations, prosecutorial actions, and correctional records, holds promise.

He adds that by digitising case flows, accountability could improve, and inmates would no longer disappear into the cracks of paper-based bureaucracy.

“We are working to create a more responsive and efficient system. A biometric database of offenders has already been established to improve information sharing with other security agencies and to help decongest custodial centres nationwide,” Felix-Audu noted.

He emphasised that ensuring security should not always mean incarceration, but include psychological interventions such as counselling.

“Security goes beyond confinement. Rehabilitation, especially for those with minor offences, is essential to breaking the cycle of crime,” he added.

Yet, for many observers, the question is not whether the idea is desirable, but whether it is sustainable.

Models exist that Gombe could learn from. In South Africa, the Criminal Procedure Act sets clear bail and remand timelines, with strict oversight by judicial officers.

In Kenya, judicial reforms in the early 2010s introduced case-tracking systems and regular audit reviews of remand cases, leading to significant reductions in pre-trial detention.

In Ghana, the introduction of non-custodial sentencing, such as community service, has eased congestion in prisons and allowed courts to focus on more serious cases. This points to the fact that reform is possible when backed by political will, adequate funding, and institutional accountability.

Speaking recently, the Gombe State Deputy Governor, Manassah Jatau, decried the congestion and housing together of violent and non-violent offenders in custodial centres across the country.

He warned that violent inmates could negatively influence non-violent ones, thereby exposing them to deeper criminal tendencies, aggression, ill health, and even mental disorders.

“The situation where hardened criminals are kept together with minor offenders is a dangerous trend. It only worsens the problem rather than solving it,” Jatau stated.

The deputy governor acknowledged the enormity of challenges facing the security and justice system in the country, stressing the need for justice to be delivered promptly and without bias.

He also urged some solicitors to desist from compounding the justice system by shielding criminals for selfish interests.

Jatau further identified youthful exuberance as a common issue among inmates, stressing the need for counselling and rehabilitation rather than outright incarceration.

“Most of these young people need guidance, not just punishment. We must prioritise reformation over retribution,” he added.

Jatau pledged the state government’s support to the service in this regard and advised the Comptroller to work in synergy with sister security agencies, especially the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency, and other stakeholders for an effective fight against crime.

Some analysts argue that the feasibility of a 180-day trial completion is undermined by multiple structural challenges. They mention that police investigations remain underfunded and slow, often reliant on confessions extracted under duress rather than forensic evidence.

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Other issues raised are that prosecutors are overstretched, handling more cases than they can realistically manage, and deliberately delaying cases to extract bribes. They also note that the judiciary suffers from a shortage of judges and magistrates, leading to clogged dockets and endless adjournments.

A legal practitioner, Abdullahi Bello, also posited that inmates should be consistently deployed to farms to enhance the country’s desire to achieve food security.

Bello said, “Instead of allocating millions into food that is not adequately supplied, they should be made to farm crops that they will not only eat but help to achieve the country’s food sufficiency.”

Observers note that, even where the law provides for speedy trials, weak enforcement and lack of accountability mean that timelines are rarely respected.

Without addressing these systemic flaws, they note that the 180-day deadline risks becoming another unfulfilled aspiration.

For Gombe to make the 180-day proposal sustainable, they canvass for a multipronged approach, including the expansion of judicial capacity through the appointment of more judges and magistrates.

They asked for a reform in police investigations, shifting from confession-based methods to evidence-driven approaches. Also identified is that prosecutors require oversight mechanisms to curb extortion, while correctional officers must be held accountable for the welfare of inmates.

Felix- Audu further demanded the absorption of the Correctional Service into the State Security Council to give the agency a voice in crime prevention and intelligence-sharing, and ensure that it is not merely the endpoint of the justice system but an active participant in security governance.

He adds, “Technology can play a transformative role. A digital case management system linking police, prosecutors, courts, and correctional centres could improve transparency, prevent files from disappearing, and provide real-time tracking of case progress. Equally important is the expansion of legal aid services to ensure that poor defendants are not abandoned in the system without representation.”

“Alternative sentencing should be embraced. Minor offences, such as petty theft, should attract community service or fines, not prolonged detention. This would reduce congestion in custodial centres and allow resources to be focused on serious offenders.”

The call to convict or acquit within 180 days is more than a bureaucratic target. For thousands of inmates in Gombe and across Nigeria, it represents hope, the possibility that their lives will not be wasted in the limbo of pre-trial detention.

Without structural reforms addressing corruption, underfunding, and inefficiency, the argument of stakeholders is that the proposal risks becoming another well-meaning but unimplemented policy. For the woman who never ate stew in detention, for the man who lost his savings to corruption, and for countless others surviving on kunu and bug-ridden mats, justice delayed is justice denied.

The practicability and sustainability of the 180-day proposal will depend not on pronouncements but on action by police, prosecutors, judges, correctional officers, and the state government. Only then can Gombe State transform its custodial centres from warehouses of despair into true centres of rehabilitation and justice.

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Sultan backs Sharia law in Oyo, Ekiti

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President-General, Nigeria Supreme Council of Islamic Affairs (NSCIA) and Sultan of Sokoto, Muhammad Sa’ad Abubakar III, has expressed support for the establishment of an Independent Shariah Arbitration Panel in Ekiti and Oyo states.

But the Aare Ona Kakanfo of Yorubaland, Gani Adams, condemned the attempt to introduce Sharia in the South West, saying it is alien to Yoruba culture and religious beliefs.

The 20th Sultan of Sokoto and the spiritual leader of Nigeria’s Muslims also expressed concern about the spate of intolerance and disregard for the rights of Muslims, especially in the southern part of the country. He noted that Muslims in the South West had been denied their constitutional rights to a Shariah Court of Appeal.

In a statement, yesterday, by the Deputy National Legal Adviser of NSCIA, Haroun Eze, the traditional ruler lamented the unwarranted resistance and objections from political and traditional quarters to the Muslim community’s efforts to establish an Independent Shariah Arbitration Panel in Ekiti.

He said this was coming barely a few weeks after the announcement on the inauguration of a Shariah panel in Oyo generated “unnecessary anxiety, thereby leading to its indefinite postponement.

“The Independent Arbitration Panel, which is a voluntary platform designed solely for the resolution of civil and marital disputes among consenting Muslims, was to fill the inexplicable vacuum created by the failure of the political elite in the South West to establish Sharia courts, as allowed by the Nigerian Constitution, in South West, despite the huge population of Muslims in the region,” Sultan said.

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According to the monarch, such scenarios as the denial of the rights of female students to wear the Hijab despite a Supreme Court judgment, are nothing but calculated attempts to prevent Muslims in the region from practising their faith.

Speaking during the 2025 Oodua festival at Enuwa Square, Ile-Ife, Osun State, yesterday, Adams stressed that the introduction of Sharia was to destabilise the Yoruba land by religious fanatics and fundamentalists. He emphasised that while Saudi Arabia is an Islamic kingdom where Sharia aligns with religious teachings and is widely accepted, Nigeria remains a nation where the constitution guarantees freedom of religion.

According to him, Saudi Arabia is a good example of an Islamic kingdom that practises Sharia law according to the Holy Quran. He said: “The Saudis also adhere strictly to the law, and they are happy because Sharia law is in tandem with their religious beliefs and teachings. But Nigeria is a secular nation where the constitution allows every citizen to practise whatever religion they believe in freely without any intimidation.

“Sharia law is alien to our culture and religious beliefs in Yoruba land; therefore, those religious fanatics masquerading as Muslims should stay away from acts that could set Yorubaland on fire.”

Meanwhile, berating the recent influx of Islamic State’s West Africa Province (ISWAP) in the South West, Adams called on the federal and state government to intensify efforts to tackle insecurity in the region. Adams further expressed the readiness of the Oodua People’s Congress (OPC) to partner other security groups in curbing the scourge in Yoruba land.

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Statement on the Rejection of Sharia Law in South-West Nigeria

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The Sultan of Sokoto and the leadership of the Nigerian Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs (NSCIA) must clearly understand this position: the Yoruba people of South-West Nigeria do not need, want, or accept Sharia law as a governing system in their land.

Yoruba society is uniquely pluralistic. In most families across the South-West, Christians, Muslims, and traditional worshippers coexist peacefully under the same roof. This interwoven family structure is one of our greatest strengths. Introducing Sharia law into such a setting would place families on a collision course, fracture long-standing relationships, and undermine the shared values that have sustained our people for generations.

It is important to ask a fundamental question: Is it compulsory or by force that Muslims must live under Sharia law? Many Muslims across the world practice their faith peacefully without imposing religious law on diverse societies. Faith should be a personal conviction, not a political weapon.

Any attempt—direct or indirect—to Islamise the South-West against the will of its people will be firmly resisted through lawful and collective means, because the Yoruba are not a monolithic religious bloc. Our philosophies, cultures, and worldviews are distinct. We cherish family unity, tolerance, and mutual respect above religious extremism.

Let it be clearly stated: the Yoruba are not religious bigots, nor are we extremists. We are a civilized people who value progress, coexistence, and peace. We reject anything that may plunge our land into chaos, division, or bloodshed. Therefore, those advocating Sharia governance should restrict such ambitions to regions where it is openly accepted. The people of the South-West are not interested.

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Nigeria is constitutionally a secular state, and the implementation of Sharia law as a state system directly contradicts the principles of secularism, equal citizenship, and fundamental human rights. If Nigeria intends to remain united, no religious legal system should be imposed on unwilling populations.

Furthermore, the practical outcomes of Sharia implementation in parts of Northern Nigeria raise serious concerns. These include:

Persistent insecurity and terrorism

Banditry and mass kidnapping

Ethnic and religious tensions

Widespread poverty and hunger

High levels of illiteracy

Deep social inequality and segregation

These realities cannot be ignored, and they offer no justification for exporting such a system to the South-West.

To our Muslim brothers and sisters in the OduduwaYorubaterritory: peaceful coexistence is our collective responsibility. We must not allow the mistakes and crises of other regions to destabilize our homeland. The Yoruba way has always been dialogue, tolerance, and mutual respect—and we intend to preserve it.

Leave the Oduduwa Yoruba land as it is. Let us live in peace.

Ire oooo.

Signed
Comrade Oyegunle Oluwamayowa Omotoyole (Omayor)
Oduduwa Nation Home-Based Youth Leader.

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Sultan-Led NSCIA Slams Southern Resistance To Sharia Panels Establishment

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The Nigerian Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs (NSCIA) under the leadership of its President-General and Sultan of Sokoto, His Eminence, Alh. Muhammad Sa’ad Abubakar, has expressed concern over alleged intolerance and disregard for the rights of Muslims, especially in the southern part of the country.

A statement signed by NSCIA deputy national legal adviser, Imam Haron Muhammed Eze, on Wednesday, said the most recent of this development emanated from Ekiti state where the efforts of the Muslim community to set up an Independent Sharia (Arbitration) panel was met with resistance and objections from both political and traditional quarters.

It added that this came a few weeks after the announcement of the inauguration of a Sharia panel in Oyo state generated anxiety and led to its indefinite postponement.

The Independent Sharia Panel is a voluntary platform designed solely for resolution of civil and marital disputes among consenting Muslims.

According to the statement, the Arbitration and the Sharia Court of Appeal, just like the Customary Court of Appeal are provided in section 275 of the 1999 constitution (as amended) of the Republic of Nigeria confirming the legality of both initiatives.

It added that the NSCIA strongly supported the establishment of the Independent Sharia Arbitration Panel in Ekiti and Oyo States for the intended purpose, especially where the Muslims in the states have been denied their constitutional right to a Sharia Court of Appeal in all the states of South-West Nigeria.

The group, while disapproving of the Supreme Court judgement, said their judgements are nothing but calculated attempts to prevent Muslim in the region from practicing their faith.

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The NSCIA stressed that the council cannot find any legal justification for the resistance. It called on governors and traditional authorities in the southern part of the country, particularly the South-West, to ensure that the constitutional rights of Muslims in their respective domains are preserved and protected.

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