The renewed agitation for Nnamdi Kanu’s release has again drawn attention to Nigeria’s long tradition of protest politics, a history marked by moments when citizens have defied authority to demand justice, reform, or accountability.

From the colonial Aba Women’s Riot to the youth-driven End SARS movement, public demonstrations have often served as the pulse of Nigeria’s democracy, a means through which the governed confront power and force national reflection.

As Nigerians mobilise once more over Kanu’s continued detention, here are five landmark protests that shaped the country’s political and social trajectory:

1. The Aba Women’s Riot (1929)

Location: Eastern Nigeria (Owerri and Calabar provinces)

Thousands of Igbo women took to the streets after the colonial administration moved to impose taxes on them, threatening their economic independence and traditional authority.

According to a report by blackpast, the women feared that the new taxes would destroy their trading livelihoods and endanger the food supply in their communities.

By November 1929, thousands of Igbo women gathered at Native Administration centres across southeastern Nigeria to protest against the warrant chiefs and the planned taxation. Using traditional forms of resistance such as “sitting on a man,” they sang, danced, and mocked corrupt officials, compelling some to step down.

The protests soon intensified, with women attacking European shops, banks, and colonial courts, several of which were set on fire. In retaliation, colonial police opened fire on demonstrators in Calabar and Owerri, killing over 50 women and injuring many others.

Over the course of the two-month uprising, an estimated 25,000 women took part in the movement.

The British colonial government was forced to cancel the proposed tax and review the Warrant Chiefs system. The uprising exposed the flaws of indirect rule and marked one of the first organised resistances against colonial power, led entirely by women.

2. The ‘Ali Must Go’ Protests (1978)

Location: Universities nationwide

A 50kobo increase in tuition and feeding fees under General Olusegun Obasanjo’s military government triggered nationwide student protests, led by the National Union of Nigerian Students and its president, Segun Okeowo. Before the protests, the cost of a meal ticket was ₦1.50 Kobo, which covered three meals, daily.

According to a report by thenigeriaeducationnews, the policy allowed students from low- and middle-income families to sustain themselves within the university system without facing significant hardship. This welfare arrangement was widely regarded as an informal pact between the government and the academic community.

Tensions arose when the Federal Military Government announced an increase in meal ticket prices, raising the cost from ₦1.50 kobo to ₦2.00. Although officials considered the 50 kobo difference negligible, students saw it as a substantial strain. Many relied on meagre stipends from financially stretched parents, and the hike threatened their already fragile economic balance.

Led by its president, Okeowo, NUNS swiftly organised resistance against the policy. Campuses across the country hosted meetings, pamphlets circulated widely, and students were mobilised in what became one of Nigeria’s most organised student movements.

What began as peaceful protests quickly escalated, spreading rapidly to universities in Ibadan, Ife, Lagos, Zaria, and other cities. Students boycotted lectures, took to the streets, and occupied administrative buildings. The rallying cry “Ali Must Go” soon dominated the movement, symbolising their demand for the resignation of Colonel Ahmadu Ali and their rejection of the government’s decision.

The demonstrations turned deadly as security forces clashed with students. Although NUNS was later banned, the government was forced to review the policy. The protest entrenched radical student activism as a major force in Nigeria’s political culture.

3. The June 12 Protests (1993)

Location: Lagos and South-West Nigeria

The protests followed the annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election — widely regarded as Nigeria’s freest and fairest poll, which was won by Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale (M.K.O.) Abiola of the Social Democratic Party.

The decision by then military ruler, General Ibrahim Babangida, to nullify the results on June 23 sparked widespread outrage across the country.

Civil society groups, labour unions, and pro-democracy movements such as the Campaign for Democracy and the National Democratic Coalition led massive street demonstrations demanding that the election results be upheld. The protests were most intense in Lagos and other South-West states, resulting in violent confrontations with security forces and several casualties.

The relentless public pressure eroded the legitimacy of military rule and forced Babangida to “step aside” in August 1993, handing power to an interim government led by Chief Ernest Shonekan. The agitation continued under successive regimes until Nigeria’s eventual return to civilian rule in 1999.

Today, June 12 is officially recognised as Democracy Day, symbolising the people’s defiance against electoral injustice and their enduring demand for democratic governance.

4. Occupy Nigeria (2012)

Location: Nationwide, major rallies in Lagos and Abuja

Public outrage erupted on January 1, 2012, after President Goodluck Jonathan’s administration removed the fuel subsidy, causing petrol prices to jump from ₦65 to ₦141 per litre overnight. The sudden hike sent transport fares soaring and triggered a sharp rise in the cost of food and essential goods.

For nearly two weeks, labour unions and civil society groups organised strikes, rallies, and street demonstrations across major cities including Lagos, Abuja, Port Harcourt, and Enugu. Social media became a powerful tool for mobilisation, marking one of Nigeria’s first major internet-driven mass movements.

The government, facing nationwide disruption, partially reversed the policy, reducing petrol prices to ₦97 per litre.

5. End SARS (2020)

Location: Nationwide and in the diaspora

The End SARS movement erupted in October 2020 after years of public anger over police brutality, extortion, and extrajudicial killings by the Special Anti-Robbery Squad. The immediate trigger was a viral video showing a man allegedly shot by SARS operatives in Ughelli, Delta State, sparking nationwide outrage and mass demonstrations.

The protests were decentralised and youth-driven, coordinated largely through social media platforms such as X (formerly Twitter) and Instagram under the hashtag #EndSARS.

Thousands of young Nigerians took to the streets across major cities including Lagos, Abuja, Port Harcourt, and Ibadan, while solidarity marches were held in London, Toronto, and Washington D.C.

With no central leadership, the movement was sustained through crowdfunding and volunteer coordination led by civic groups like the Feminist Coalition. Demonstrations were largely peaceful, but later marred by clashes between protesters, security operatives, and suspected hired thugs.

The protest reached a tragic climax on October 20, 2020, when security forces reportedly opened fire on peaceful demonstrators at the Lekki Toll Gate in Lagos.

In response to the pressure, the Federal Government announced the dissolution of SARS and promised broad police reforms.

The End SARS movement not only forced the disbandment of a notorious police unit but also redefined public protest in Nigeria.

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In this interview with OLUFEMI ADEDIRAN, a former Mayor of Blanco City, Texas, United States of America, Mike Arnold accuses the Federal Government of complicity in the killing of Christians — a claim he says is backed by years of research and on-the-ground investigations in Internally Displaced Persons camps across the country.

What prompted your fact-finding mission on insecurity in Nigeria?

I received a call penultimate Sunday morning from Reno Omokri and Nuhu Ribadu. It was unexpected. Omokri asked if I could come to Nigeria quickly, as he was going to set a meeting with key people, including the Sultan of Sokoto, the Senate President, and FFK (Femi Fani-Kayode), and meet with the press so that we could share our findings.

I agreed to come, and we were all on the airplane one week later. He paid for the trip; we didn’t get any compensation otherwise. I didn’t ask for it. It was 30 hours of travel, and when we got to the hotel, we were not even taken to our hotel rooms. We were taken to a different room to meet with people. We sat down with the chairman of CAN (Christian Association of Nigeria) and three Muslim leaders; people were taking pictures of us. After that, we were taken straight to the studios of Arise TV, which is in the same hotel. After that, he said nothing else until the press conference the following day. Mr. Omokri pressured us to announce our findings, and he wanted us to agree with him 100 per cent. He just assumed that we were going to agree with his plan. But I felt that this was not going to happen.

How did you gather your findings?

I have been investigating this since 2019. I have been to Nigeria for the past 15 years; I have been all over the country. We have a team that went undercover to numerous IDP (Internally Displaced Persons) camps. We have been to numerous IDP camps and got to know many IDPs personally, and the reason why I connected with them was because of this issue.

At that time, he (Omokri) was out there talking about Christian genocide. I reached out to him because he wrote a book on Goodluck Jonathan’s administration. He did not bother to look at any of my social media posts or my blogs where I had been talking about Nigeria’s genocide. But I guess he thought he was so smart that I was going to feed the propaganda lie to the people. He thought I would just smile and agree with him.

I never told him that I would agree with him. I never told him that I would toe his line. He asked me what I was going to say, and I asked what he expected me to say. The only reason I agreed to come was that he said I should just come and speak the truth. I never said otherwise. I came to speak the truth, and that was exactly what I said 100 per cent.

I have been doing this research for a long time, and I spoke with many frontline journalists and prepared a factual and verifiable report that the ambassador personally signed off on with me. If you look at the Arise TV interview, Omokri was trying to corner me right there. It was a PR stunt, and he was trying to use us — the American voice — to parade his line. And he tried to pressure me right there on live TV.

 How did that feel for you?

Reading into this, people told me that what I was doing was extremely dangerous, that I could be surveilled and my life could be threatened or bribed. I truly believed that there was a good chance that I would be killed for speaking the truth. Genuinely, I updated my will, and we had a final dinner with my family, and we spoke about the possibility that I might not be coming back home. But I was willing to lay down my life if it would stop the genocide. I got on the airplane not knowing whether I would come back home.

Those threats would not have deterred me because there was nothing they could threaten me with since I was prepared to die to speak the truth. Going into the press conference, I can’t imagine that this is the best PR agent the government can retain. Reno Omokri 100 per cent put this in motion. I never deceived him; I never said anything to him.

 Are you saying only Christians are targets of insurgents?

Indeed, there were points we agreed on — like there are Muslims getting killed and Christians getting killed. He (Omokri) did not ask me what I was going to say. He just assumed, because of his dubious personality, that I would change everything I had been saying for years. Now, the truth is out; everything is out there. God used him like Balaam’s donkey.

The truth is that Nigeria is experiencing genocide, and he wanted me to lie. He invited one of the world’s most passionate advocates for the exposure of genocide in Nigeria; he invited me to do a press conference and get the world’s attention to it — what was he expecting me to say? He caused this out of his arrogance.

What would you say to officials who dismissed your report as “foreign propaganda” or “missionary sensationalism”?

I will accuse them of being complicit in genocide because the facts are obvious. All they need to do is walk through an IDP camp and ask for stories. All they need to do is to do what I have done and go to Borno, Gwoza, and read the reports made by frontline journalists who go to the blood-stained grounds, where the grounds are still wet, and talk to victims. They know the facts, and the government is trying to eradicate that too.

There are at least six IDP camps in Abuja with almost 30,000 IDPs. The government officially calls them criminals and vagrants and denies their camps exist, and they bulldozed the camps. These are Nigerians, and the government tries to take them down, and you know why. I’m convinced it is witness repression. There are at least four to 10 million IDPs who are eyewitnesses to genocide, and the government lies to them and labels them criminals. This is witness suppression.

What I have firsthand knowledge of is that this government is 100 per cent complicit in the ongoing genocide in the IDP camps. They are being killed; they are dying of preventable illnesses and malnutrition. They are being abducted; they live in absolute squalor, denied by the government intentionally and in many ways. To me, that is more gruesome than the genocide itself.

If there is no intervention to stop the recruitment of young boys into banditry and terrorism, Nigeria will have a generation of radicals, and that will be the end of Nigeria. It doesn’t take much for the government to end this.

We have supported orphanages in Jos — 286 orphans who saw their parents massacred. These kids wanted to get guns and go back to kill, but after their education now, they want to go back and rebuild. That is breaking the circle of death, and it doesn’t take much; it just takes something, and this government denies them that intentionally.

They have the blood, the horror, and the trauma of millions of Nigerians actively on their hands every single day, and they do nothing about it. All of them are guilty and should be on trial for crimes against humanity. Anybody in this government who does not speak up or do something about this is guilty of crimes against humanity.

Reno Omokri knows all about it. Our first conversation when I called him was because his book talks about it, and I asked how many they were, and he said they were more than nine million. He knows, and he does nothing. That, to me, is worse than Adolf Hitler himself. He knows what is happening; he talked about it not long ago; he was really charged about the Nigerian Christian genocide, and yet he lies about it. He is complicit in aiding and abetting.

Anybody in government who knows about the ongoing Christian genocide in Nigeria and is covering it up or not saying anything about it should go on trial at the International Criminal Court for aiding and abetting genocide. Anybody in government that knows about it but does not do something about it is guilty, and that includes the President himself. He may not be committing the genocide, but he is surely aiding and abetting it through a strategic campaign to suppress four million or more witnesses. It is a crime against humanity. I accuse this government today of crimes against humanity and, at the very least, aiding and abetting genocide.

Don’t you think that your report might strain US–Nigeria diplomatic relations, given the sensitivity of your conclusions?

Are you kidding? It is obvious that what strains relationships is trying to hide the truth; what strains relationships are the lies and the spins — trying to take an American and put him in front of a camera to lie is what strains relationships.

Being transparent and honest is how great relationships are built.

The press conference was a small firecracker compared to what I’m prepared to drop: the truth — unvarnished, fully documented, verifiable, firsthand truth of the genocide and the intentional grinding down of the Internally Displaced Persons.

But more importantly, what I have are the stories of the heroes on the frontlines, the bright lights who have given everything they have, sacrificing their lives to save these children. They are the true Nigerians I know. In prayer in the hotel room before going down to the press conference, thinking it might be my last breath on this earth, I told God to take control. I don’t take credit for any of this. I’m a simple man; I’m not a wealthy man, but God used my lips to communicate that day, and the glory goes back to Him. I don’t feel like I did anything; I just spoke the truth. I just did what I was asked to do.

Are you not concerned that your focus on Christian persecution might fuel sectarian division rather than empathy across religious lines?

In my report, I said repeatedly that there are radical Muslims killing Christians and also Muslims. What I called for is for both Muslims and Christians to stand together against the common enemy. Yes, it is a Christian genocide and a Muslim genocide. The established protocol for these people is that when they attack people — maybe a bus — and pull people out, they separate Christian and Muslim men and women first. They kill the Christian men and tell the Muslim men that they must either join them or die, and they kill all the ones who don’t join them and sell the women into sex slavery.

For example, when they went into Gwoza, they burnt all the churches, not one mosque. The last church they went to, the villagers there — all they had left were bows and arrows — stood guarding the church. When the military came, the villagers were celebrating, but the military shot and killed them. They had been told that the Christians were the problem. They brought out their guns, went AWOL, shot the villagers, and left. Their commanders told them to kill the Christians. Yes, this is targeted.

The reason they don’t do it in the South is because it is guarded. They want to be able to loot and raid. If they go all the way to do it across Nigeria, the country will just be a hellish wasteland, hence the North.

Are you aware of any ongoing plan by the U.S. to designate Nigeria a Country of Particular Concern?

I don’t know about the U.S. plan. My communication with them has been one-way. I have been sending them reports and trying to get their attention. I have received no special information. I have no special access to the U.S. government, and I don’t know the details of what the U.S. may be proposing. By next week, I will finally be able to talk to some people.

Since 2019, when I started my research, I have been trying to tell the story. I have been trying to raise awareness, but I haven’t met with representatives of the U.S. government, and I have not had a two-way conversation with anybody on the issue.

Some people have described your claim and that of Senator Ted Cruz as a calculated effort by the U.S. to unseat President Tinubu and ensure he does not win re-election. What is your response to this?

I have met some of the ministers in this administration, and I find them very engaging. I have seen an improvement in the atmosphere ever since the President was elected. His government is as brutal as that of former President Muhammadu Buhari, where documentary filmmakers were arrested and tortured. So, I had hope and I still have hope. I think the only way for him to survive is to become a champion for justice. That is the only way his power can survive.

Nigeria is about to be subject to the most intense international scrutiny that it has ever seen, and I encourage the leaders. I don’t care who the President is and who is not. I know the names of some of the political parties, but I cannot tell you what they stand for or who is who. I have intentionally remained unconcerned about the politics of Nigeria.

I will go for anybody that champions the cause of human rights, and for anybody that will end this genocide. Anybody that will bring restoration to the Internally Displaced People — whether that is Tinubu or Obi (Peter Obi) or a dog on the street — I believe whoever champions the cause of IDPs will be the next president of Nigeria, and I will back that person with everything I’ve got if they are genuine about it.

I’m not trying to unseat anybody. I’m trying to bring justice and peace to the nation I grew up to know as my second home. I have not been involved in politics. Nigerian politics is only good if it works in the right direction. I will swing the sword of truth, and if you get in the way, you are going to get cut, like Omokri. I have known him well. I have been with him on his birthday safari; he has visited me in my home in Blanco; I know his home well. I have never met a more self-deluded, pathological liar than him.

Do you think the arms deal Nigeria has with the U.S. will continue considering your weighty allegation?

I have no idea, and you know why — with what I know about the Nigerian military in the North, the worst thing we can do is give them arms. I have never even thought about this because I’m not political; I’m a missionary. I’m not a politician. Some are blaming the U.S. for cutting off aid, but it won’t take much for Nigeria to restore the IDPs. Nigeria is a wealthy nation; all the billions they said Tinubu has saved can be used for something good. It won’t take much. All it takes is the recognition, respect, and dignity of the IDPs.

Yes, you go with your beggar’s hands to Uncle Sam, but Uncle Sam cannot ask you any questions. You had aid coming in for years for drugs, and you don’t have accountability. I think every donor should stop aid to Nigeria. You caused the problem, so you should fix it. You want help fixing it? We stand ready — the world stands ready — to help you establish justice, but you must show transparency and accountability.

When I first got back after 2019, I went to Kontagora. I spoke to my friend, the U.S. ambassador; he is a former board member of the World Bank food programme, and I told him that we found IDP camps where people didn’t have any sanitation or housing or health care, food, water, or education. But he said that was impossible. He said the country, through international aid, had the means and the mandate to take care of IDPs. The money is there to help these people, but the government has refused to acknowledge them because they are eyewitnesses, and it is entirely a campaign of witness suppression.

The Nigerian people are the most honourable people I know. There are bad apples, for sure, but the heart of Nigeria is one of integrity, righteousness, and hope.

What is Senator Ted Cruz’s position on this?

I have never talked to Ted Cruz. I shook his hand once 10 years ago. But I intend to meet him soon.

Tosin Odunlami, a Nigerian-born intersex advocate, has opened up about his journey of self-discovery, transition, and his ongoing fight to promote intersex visibility and inclusion in Nigeria.

In an interview released on Friday by The Podcast Network, Odunlami reflected on his childhood, his experience living 25 years as a female, and the challenges of navigating identity in a society that often misunderstands intersex persons.

Intersex is a term used to describe people who are born with physical or biological traits, such as chromosomes, hormones, or reproductive organs, that don’t fit the typical definitions of male or female bodies.

According to a landmark study by biologist Dr Anne Fausto-Sterling (2000) of Brown University, up to 1.7% of the global population is born with intersex traits.

However, later research by Dr Leonard Sax (2002) published in the Journal of Sex Research estimated a narrower range of about 0.018%, depending on which medical conditions are classified as intersex.

Despite these variations, both studies affirm that intersex variations are a natural part of human diversity, not disorders or abnormalities, a position also supported by the United Nations Free & Equal campaign (2019) and the World Health Organisation (WHO, 2022).

Tosin began by clarifying common misconceptions about gender identity. “Intersex persons are not transgender. Neither are they gay or lesbian,” he said. “Intersex means being born with biological variations, it could be internal, chromosomal, or genital.”

“It’s a privilege for me to speak about my experience. I discovered that I’m an intersex person at age 25. Basically, I lived all my life for 25 years as a female, and it wasn’t eas,” he said.

When asked whether he is medically capable of reproduction, Tosin confirmed that he can reproduce as a man, “Yes, because I’ve done some examinations.”

Born and raised in Nigeria, Odunlami recounted growing up under societal pressure to conform to the gender assigned at birth.

“You have to behave in the female way, And if you’re not doing all of that, the society and the community start looking at you in a certain way.”

He revealed that during puberty, he noticed bodily changes that made him question his identity, but fear and stigma kept him silent.

“I started seeing some changes in my body, and I was scared. I couldn’t talk to anyone because when you tell them this is what you’re seeing in your body, they decide to discriminate or tell you you’re taboo,” he said.

Odunlami shared how his mother discovered his condition and sought medical help. However, the doctors themselves were confused.

“The doctor did not even know who I am. They tried to confirm me to their ascribed gender and said they had to do surgery to cut off what they were seeing,” he recounted.

He described how his mother rejected the risky surgical option and instead turned to religious interventions.

“My mom took me to several churches; they gave me soaps and prayers, just to make me grow breasts,” he said, recalling years of internal struggle and isolation.

At university, he continued to live as a woman but in secrecy. “I lived with two females in the same room, and when we were dressing up, I shifted myself to the corner. I wore padded bras because I wanted to fit in,” he said.

Odunlami’s transition came after a medical consultation confirmed that his hormones were predominantly male.

“The doctor said my hormones are more male hormones. That was when I told the doctor, ‘Okay, I think I’m going to come to the male gender,’” he explained.

Speaking on how people reacted to his transition, he said, “Some were surprised, some were supportive, and some are still anxious about it. But I’m always open to share with them.”

On his sexual orientation, Odunlami said he is attracted to females. “I’m attracted to women, emotionally, mentally, and physically,” he said, clarifying that being intersex does not define his sexuality.

Speaking about his church community, he revealed how he came out to his pastor and congregation: “On a Sunday, he said I should come out and you know, it’s also a form of advocacy — educating people, mothers, adults, youths on all of this.”

He continued, “Although it was a shock to them, they were like, ‘No, Sister Esther?’ Because then I was ascribed a female gender, so my first name is Esther. They were saying, ‘What? Sister Esther? Are you a trans? Are you gay?’ They didn’t really understand the whole situation, even after I shared with them that this is me, I’m an intersex person.”

He added that although some members initially distanced themselves, others eventually accepted him.

“Some were like, ‘Don’t near my female daughter,’ and I was a children’s teacher, so I had to step back to see how they received the information. But later they were all open arms, they received me back, and I started teaching again.”

When asked whether being intersex makes one a member of the LGBTQIA+ community, Tosin clarified that intersex persons form part of the wider group while maintaining their distinct identity.

“The ‘I’ in the LGBTQIA, that’s intersex,” Tosin explained. “We can stand alone, and as well we cannot stand alone. We are part of the community because we work together in different ways,  for programming, advocacy, and education. Sometimes, Intersex Nura even educates the LGBT community. So we are a community of one.”

Tosin, however, noted that being intersex does not automatically determine sexual orientation, “An intersex person does not necessarily identify as lesbian, gay, or bisexual,” they said. “All of that does not necessarily apply.”

Speaking further, Tosin said there is a growing intersex community in Nigeria that meets regularly for support and advocacy.

“We have intersex persons in different states across Nigeria. We hold monthly check-ins and community meetings. On October 26, we’ll celebrate Intersex Awareness Day, a day to celebrate our growth, resilience, and visibility,” Tosin added.

They also highlighted ongoing collaborations between Nigerian intersex advocates and global organisations, “There is international support,” Tosin noted.

“The Executive Director of Intersex Nigeria, Obioma, is part of the Intersex Alliance Movement globally, working to advance advocacy and programming. We also receive funding and support from international organisations for our work here in Nigeria.”

Reflecting on faith and acceptance, he described how his church community ultimately responded positively. “I had this peace, that I am living my full self,” he said.

Now an active intersex advocate, Odunlami continues to champion inclusion and awareness through public speaking and advocacy efforts. “It’s not a disability,” he affirmed again. “I’m a normal person like every other person.”

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