How a visionary doctor from Lagos transformed public health and modern medicine in early 20th-century Nigeria
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Dr Oguntola Odunbaku Sapara (1861–1935) was one of Nigeria’s earliest Western-trained physicians. Renowned for his campaign against smallpox and his efforts to improve public sanitation, Sapara laid the foundations for modern public health in Lagos during the colonial era.
A Pioneer of Nigerian Medicine
The image shows Dr Oguntola Odunbaku Sapara (1861–1935) — a pioneering Nigerian physician, public health reformer, and one of the most influential figures in early colonial medicine. His work bridged the worlds of traditional Yoruba culture and Western scientific practice, earning him lasting recognition as a man who devoted his life to fighting disease, ignorance, and unsanitary living conditions.
Born Alexander Johnson Williams in Freetown, Sierra Leone, to Yoruba parents, Sapara’s early life was shaped by a blend of Western education and African heritage. Later in life, he would reclaim his cultural identity by adopting the name Oguntola Odunbaku Sapara, symbolising his deep pride in his Yoruba roots.
Education and Early Career
Sapara pursued medical studies at St Thomas’ Hospital Medical School in London and qualified as a doctor in the late 19th century. His education reflected the growing class of African professionals trained in Europe during the colonial period, returning home with new ideas for improving local health systems.
After completing his studies, Sapara returned to West Africa and joined the colonial medical service in Lagos Colony in 1896 as an Assistant Colonial Surgeon. At the time, Lagos — then a bustling port city — was plagued by poor sanitation, overcrowded slums, and recurring outbreaks of infectious diseases such as smallpox, malaria, and yellow fever.
Fighting Disease and Improving Public Health
Dr Sapara’s tenure in the colonial service lasted over three decades, from 1896 until his retirement in 1928. Throughout this period, he became a relentless advocate for public hygiene, disease prevention, and medical education.
One of his major achievements was the establishment of Lagos’ first public dispensary in 1901, which provided free or affordable healthcare to the city’s poor residents. At a time when access to Western medicine was limited to the wealthy or colonial officials, this initiative represented a groundbreaking step toward public health equity.
Sapara was also instrumental in founding a society for training midwives, recognising that many childbirth-related deaths could be prevented through better maternal care. His foresight in promoting women’s participation in healthcare demonstrated a progressive understanding of community-based health systems.
The War Against Smallpox and the “Cult of Disease”
Perhaps Sapara’s most famous — and most dangerous — work was his fight against smallpox. Smallpox was rampant in Yoruba communities at the turn of the 20th century, and traditional “smallpox cults” had emerged around the worship of Ṣọ̀npọ̀nná, the Yoruba deity associated with the disease.
Many of these cults discouraged vaccination, insisting that the disease should be appeased through ritual rather than prevented through science. Sapara, deeply aware of the cultural roots of such beliefs, chose an unconventional strategy: he infiltrated the cult under disguise to study its practices from within.
Armed with first-hand knowledge, he worked to demystify smallpox rituals, expose harmful practices, and promote vaccination campaigns among the Yoruba people. His actions — blending cultural insight with medical science — not only helped curb smallpox outbreaks but also marked an early example of medical anthropology in practice.
Sapara’s work eventually led to the colonial government banning secret inoculation practices and expanding official vaccination programmes across the Lagos Colony.
Urban Reform and Sanitation Advocacy
Beyond medicine, Sapara was a passionate urban reformer. He recognised that diseases thrived in the congested, unplanned areas of Lagos and tirelessly campaigned for slum clearance and proper drainage systems. His advocacy contributed to early public health policies that improved living conditions in parts of the city.
Sapara’s reports to the colonial authorities highlighted how environmental neglect and poor hygiene perpetuated epidemics. He argued that health reform should go hand-in-hand with social reform — a philosophy far ahead of its time.
Legacy and Recognition
Dr Oguntola Sapara retired from service in 1928 and passed away in 1935, leaving behind a monumental legacy in Nigerian public health. His life embodied courage, compassion, and the pursuit of scientific truth amidst cultural and colonial tensions.
In recognition of his contributions, a street in Lagos bears his name — Sapara Street — and he is frequently cited in Nigerian medical history as one of the founding figures of modern healthcare in West Africa.
His ability to balance Western medicine with indigenous understanding remains a model for culturally sensitive public health practice. Sapara’s approach demonstrated that reforming health systems in Africa required not only scientific skill but also respect for local traditions and empathy for the people.
References
National Archives of Nigeria, Lagos Division
Adeloye, A. “Some Early Nigerian Doctors and Their Contribution to Modern Medicine in West Africa.” Medical History Journal, 1974
Colonial Reports—Annual: Lagos, 1901–1928
Nigerian Tribune: “Remembering Dr Oguntola Sapara, Nigeria’s Forgotten Medical Reformer” (2020)
Senator Ned Nwoko has broken his silence following a viral video showing his wife, actress Regina Daniels, in distress, describing her recent actions as “drug-influenced” and “unprovoked carnage.”
In a lengthy post and a short video shared on his Instagram handle #princenednwoko on Sunday, Nwoko claimed the actress was battling drug and alcohol abuse, which he said was at the root of the crisis rocking their marriage.
“Regina was not always like this. Her current battle with drugs and alcohol abuse is the root of our problem.
“She must continue her rehabilitation programme, or I fear for her life and safety,” he wrote.
The senator alleged that Regina went on a violent rampage at their home in his absence, attacking staff and destroying property.
“She slapped and hit three staff in the past 48 hours and destroyed property, including cars and windows, for no just cause.
“Now she has moved to a place where she will have unrestricted access to drugs,” the senator alleged
Nwoko said he had offered his wife two rehabilitation options in Asokoro or Jordan, “where she will not have access to drugs.”
He further alleged that the scene at home was worsened by the interference of Regina’s associates, whom he described as “drug suppliers.”
“While I took Moon to the hospital, a scene of chaos unfolded at home, orchestrated by Sammy, Regina’s main drug supplier.
“Another known supplier of drugs to Regina is the tiny evil devil called Ann,”he alleged.
His post came hours after PUNCH Online reported that a video of the actress, visibly agitated and shouting during a confrontation, had gone viral on Saturday, sparking widespread concern.
In the footage, Regina could be heard saying, “In Ned Nwoko’s house, I am nothing, but in my own house, I am a Queen. Not again. I can’t stand the violence, it’s too much.”
Her brother, Ojeogwu Samuel Danhillman, popularly known as Sammy West, also reacted angrily on Instagram, accusing Nwoko of assaulting his sister and vowing to defend her.
“Anywhere wey man dey beat woman, whether na my sister or not, I go fight with my blood,” he wrote.
The cause of the altercation remains unclear, as neither Regina nor her representatives have publicly responded to Nwoko’s allegations.
Regina Daniels, who married Nwoko in 2019, has often been in the public eye alongside the politician and businessman.
The couple’s marriage, marked by a 40-year age gap, has long drawn public attention and debate.
Many people today speak of betrayal and mistrust between the Yoruba and Igbo, but few understand the deeper context or the actual conversations that took place among the leaders of both ethnic groups.
I had the rare privilege though just a young observer who had learned “how to wash his hands” of sitting in on some of these meetings between Yoruba and Igbo elders.
One such memorable gathering took place in Owerri around 1989. There, I listened in awe as Uncle Bola Ige and other Yoruba leaders addressed claims made by some prominent Igbo figures, including Chief Mbakwe and R.B. Okafor.
The accusation? That Chief Obafemi Awolowo had promised to support the Igbo in seceding from Nigeria, and then betrayed them by not following through.
Bola Ige responded with clarity and fire. Turning to Mbakwe, he asked directly:
“You were present at the meeting between Awolowo and Ojukwu, as I was. Did Awo ever make that promise?”
He then turned to two other Yoruba and two Igbo leaders who were also present at that historical meeting.
“I have the transcripts,” he warned. None of the Igbo elders refuted him.
Awolowo, according to Ige, had never promised to follow the East into secession. What he did say was:
“If the Igbo are ever driven out of Nigeria, the Yoruba will take it seriously and reassess their own position.”
The room fell quiet. The accusation crumbled in the face of truth. The Igbo leaders did not deny this version of events.
Then came Bola Ige’s thunderous retort:
“Who are you to accuse the Yoruba of betrayal?”
He laid out a powerful chronology:
1. At Independence, Awolowo offered a joint NCNC-AG government Zik as Prime Minister, Awo as Finance Minister. Negotiations were ongoing when suddenly Zik announced a coalition with the NPC instead. The East aligned with the North to crush the West, jailing Awo and his allies.
2. In 1965, the West and East agreed to boycott the election. They reached consensus in the early hours, but by morning, the Igbo broke ranks and voted while the Yoruba held the line.
3. In 1979, post-election negotiations for a Yoruba-Igbo coalition (UPN-NPP) were underway when the NPP suddenly entered a coalition with the North’s NPN without notice.
4. In 1983, the same betrayal occurred. Yet Awolowo still sought unity. He met Zik again in Benin, pleading that only a Yoruba-Igbo alliance could rescue Nigeria. The meeting ended inconclusively, and again the East returned to align with the North.
With visible emotion, Uncle Bola continued:
“We can go on and on. But let me ask you: how many Igbo have been killed in Yoruba towns like Lagos, Ibadan, Akure, or Oshogbo?
You thrive in our cities, build your businesses here, and attend our schools yet you call us enemies.
Meanwhile, your people are regularly killed in Kaduna, Kano, Bauchi, Zaria, and your shops looted. Yet you count the North as allies. If you choose to be perpetual slaves, we cannot help you.”
The silence that followed was deafening. No one interrupted him. No one challenged the facts. The Yoruba delegation stood and ended the meeting.
I can only hope Chief C.O. Adebayo’s memoirs will someday detail that historic exchange further.
Key Takeaways:
A. The Yoruba have long extended a hand across the Niger. The Igbo, for decades, declined to take it until recently.
B. Many Igbo leaders of the 1970s to 1990s actively propagated the myth that Awolowo betrayed them, using it to solidify internal unity and distract from internal failures. The one common rallying point was hatred for the Yoruba.
C. Time is a great healer. Many Igbo reading this today may be learning, for the first time, that their leaders knew Awolowo never betrayed Ojukwu or the East during the Civil War.
A Call to Our Generation:
Even if our parents quarreled, should we, their children, inherit their grudges? Must we perpetuate old divisions in a Nigeria struggling for unity and growth?
It is time.
Time for a genuine handshake across the Niger.
Time to heal, to build, and to move forward together.
Originally shared on the “Friends Ikoyi Club 1938” Forum by Dr. Adenike Marinho
Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s running mate in Nigeria’s 1979 presidential elections was Chief Philip Umeadi, an Igbo man from Anambra State.
Umeadi was a senior lawyer and politician from the old Anambra State, and his pairing with Awolowo (a Yoruba leader) was seen as an attempt to foster Yoruba–Igbo political cooperation under the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN).
In an interview with Vanguard in 2010, Chief Ebenezer Babatope, who was 35 when he became the Director of Organisation of the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), narrated how Awolowo settled for Umeadi. Read it below:
“Did you know that Papa Awolowo contacted some of his trusted friends in the North, requesting that one of them should come and be his running-mate but they turned him down? They rejected, especially those from the Hausa-Fulani clan.
One of them who was Papa’s good friend, Papa Yahaya Gusau, he told Awolowo that it would be meaningless for him to come and be a running-mate because people are not going to vote for us. Papa (Awolowo) also contacted the late Ibrahim Tahir and Tahir said it was going to be difficult for him to team up with Papa. Papa then moved to the Middle-Belt states.
He said he would love to pick one Chia Suma. But our UPN colleagues in the Middle-Belt states then advised Papa that if you pick Chia Suma, you would only be appealing to the Tiv people and for every 30 or so miles in the Middle-Belt region, you meet a completely new tribe with different tongues so that choice was never going to achieve anything.
Papa then had to settle for the late Chief Philip Umeadi from Anambra State and said ‘if you guys won’t team up with me, then I can pick any other person from the South’ and when he picked Umeadi, people came up again to say he made a mistake by picking an Ibo man but the reality was that that was what the circumstances demanded.
Having said that, you have been part of the system for a while now, when politicians turn down the offer of being a running-mate to another person not because he is not offering a good platform or a good agenda for progress and change but because there is the feeling that he is not of the establishment, what does that say of our nation and its politics?
It’s a very terr!ble thing, very dangerøus and I tell you we have been fighting against it. Awolowo used his position in AG and UPN to prove a point. There was a time in this country that some tendencies were very pervasive and those tendencies appear to be creeping back today.
There was a time in this country when a group of people in the North, a cabal, believed that Nigeria was merely an extension of their private family compound and if you did not belong to them then you cannot make progress.
There was also a time in this country that being in the Army and not being able to speak the Hausa language was a waste of time, the same thing goes for promotion. There was a time in this country that to register a company and do business, you needed to put the name of a northerner as your chairman or a strong member of the board because they believed that the South could always be used. That is not wiped off yet, but we are now seeing semblances of the ugly past.”
