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Performance management system as game changer in Nigeria’s development progress

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One critical question that I have contended with for some time as a public service institutional reformer is, why has it been so very difficult to institute performance-oriented values and systems to alter the inherited ‘I am directed’ traditional public administration tradition in the civil service in Nigeria? Indeed, implementation of the performance management system has been largely rhetorical, entailing moving in circles since the Jerome Udoji Public Service Reform Commission reforms’ first attempt in 1974. Why is this so? One, civil servants generally take on their job as a career, largely because of job security. They, therefore, would generally resist any reform that threatens their jobs, even if such reforms are in the public interest. This attitude translates, for all practical purposes, into a general dislike for change and an unreflective defence of the status quo.

Two, civil servants are accustomed to a tradition of ‘wait for your turn’ to gain seniority within hierarchical structures, and, therefore, value the respect and authority that their positions carry jealously. This orientation contrasts with performance management’s need to reward individual initiatives, creativity, authority of knowledge, and proven expertise, while rewarding officers based on evidence of performance, usually measured as outputs, outcomes and impact within results-based management frameworks. Three, in any governance context and administrative environment where entitlement mentality prevails, where cultural practices of patronage and nepotism that would usually override merit on the altar of ethnic, religious and sectional parochialisms prevail. One where personal connections and loyalty influence appointments with brazen disregard for merit, as is common in our clime, it is usually difficult to achieve the flexibility that enables the fairness and objectivity required for a performance-based system to function effectively. Let us now proceed to put this set of theoretical statements in context, to explain how the failure to institute performance-based systems in Nigeria’s public administration system over the years has, in part, been responsible for Nigeria’s arrested development.

Let me start with an axiom that has guided my reform optimism about the Nigerian state and the unfinished business of institutional reform. That axiom is that there is definitely no shortage of development visions, blueprints, development ideas and paradigms, well-intended policies and programs, or even expert or professional advisory support. As a public service institutional reformer and policy implementation researcher, I recognise all these as the very first step in the trajectory of getting reform done. Thus, while consecutive Nigerian governments could be said to have a surfeit of the visions and ideas that ground institutional reforms with varying levels of impacts, the momentum that translates these visions, ideas and paradigms into efficient institutions and transformative development progress has been missing.

Unfortunately, the institutional and developmental impacts have been less than salutary because of the lack of political will that backstops the success of any reform effort. This is the second level of the reform business that unlocks the possibility of success. We can all agree, without prejudice, that many Nigerian governments have played bad politics with development programs. By this, I mean that Nigeria’s political orientation, from independence to date, has made it extremely difficult to achieve the right composition of elite nationalism that triggers national development. First, there is the problem of policy short-circuiting due to administrative discontinues—each government always desires to reinvent the political and administrative wheels rather than building on the foundations the previous administrations have laid. Most fundamental is the lack of any genuine ideological bases for political parties that connect to an overarching philosophical construct for rethinking national integration and national development. Since 1999, when Nigeria resumed its democratic experiment, politicking has been more about trivial issues of religion and ethnicity than that of issue-based discourse on taking Nigeria seriously.

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In institutional reform terms, therefore, we have been witnessing political administrations that have been entrapped in the conception-reality gap in the sense that they have demonstrated some real passion for institutional reforms, given the availability of outstanding ideas, insights and blueprints. However, the passion lacked deep knowledge that could have enabled the governments to intimately and critically interrogate the binding constraints that limit and undermine institutional reforms in the public sector change space, as well as the institutional architecture that the space represents. This failure makes it very difficult for these governments to recognise the devils in the details of development policy execution. This conception-reality gap is further complicated by the ready default of the prebendal culture of primitive accumulation that colours elite nationalism. This makes it difficult for any successive administration in Nigeria to take a gamble on development by initiating development bargains around which the Nigerian Project could have taken off efficiently and with the right dose of political will to raise the possibility of success.

From an institutional reform perspective, many of Nigeria’s past governments have moved from electoral victory to administrative performance to unlock the dividends of democratic governance without a thorough knowledge of the binding constraints that require dismantling within the governance, administrative and institutional dynamics of the Nigerian state and its public service.

Thus, every effort to ignite structural and developmental transformation has remained futile. From the technical angle of policy and development management, therefore, Nigeria has been benchmarking failures through change management initiatives that have been marred by several limitations: poor policy and programme design; poor resource allocation; unstable macroeconomic climate not matched with required policy intelligence and analytics; lack of disciplined and performance managed development policy and programme execution; policy and programme discontinuity; low public service organisational intelligent quotient and sub-optimal institutional capability readiness; and the wide-ranging sociological and cultural issues generally summed up as the Nigerian factor.

However, when his administration was inaugurated, President Bola Tinubu wisely opted for performance management as the best means to manage the Renewed Hope Agenda. And to achieve this, the President compelled key policy players to sign a performance bond. The administration further appointed Hadiza Bala-Usman to oversee the structural nodal point for implementing and tracking the trajectory of institutional performance. Whatever the process is called—performance bond, agreement or contract—it signals a political willingness on the part of the government to achieve a measure of performance and productivity through a judicious attempt to get the best out of the people, infrastructure, financial and material resources deployed by the MDAs. This will be achieved through a systematic set of actions that link the Renewed Hope Agenda’s policy goals and national development objectives with the performance and productivity expectations from the MDAs in terms of sector strategies, performance budgeting, improvement plans, targets, data, workplans, key performance indicators, training and capacity development, etc. And to achieve the utmost productivity, corrective measures in terms of rewards and sanctions are equally put in place when performance improves or falls short.

By opting for the performance management system, the Tinubu administration has keyed into a global best practice. From Florence Nightingale’s effort, in 1861, to instigate the publication of medical statistics in London hospitals and the impact of this on the British civil service, to F.W. Taylor’s scientific management method that facilitated process improvements on factory floors, performance management has come a long way. By the time colonial rule was over, and Nigeria had keyed into the inherited administrative traditions of the British civil service system, Nigeria had adopted the formal personality-based assessment models, the most popular of which is the annual performance evaluation report form. Unfortunately, this template would soon degenerate into oblivion because of its flaws bordering on its subjective limitations. And high-performing civil service systems across the world would later revise and supplement it with other rating instruments and scales, including psychometrics, 360-degree peer review feedback, management by objectives, critical incident techniques, behaviorally anchored rating scales, assessment centres, project-based appraisals, self-assessments, competency-based reviews, narrative appraisals, and many more.

For the Nigerian civil service system, the Udoji Commission report recommended and introduced the planning, programming, budgeting system, which ensured that MDAs and their performances were framed in terms of programmes and strategies rather than line items. The commission also introduced the management by objectives, and later the zero-based budgeting. At the global level, and under the prodding of the new public management, performance management planning and implementation would soon be enriched and upgraded at many critical and technical points to demonstrate the complexity of measuring performance in an increasingly complex administrative world. The Kaplan and Norton Balanced Scorecard became significant in the public sector because of its revolutionary shifting of the performance scorecard away from the traditional focus on the very narrow financial considerations to a broader assessment founded on four variables—financial, customer, innovation/growth, and internal processes. This has been followed by other performance management features, from value for money audit and service delivery units to performance-based pay and sanctions and citizens’ charter.

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Despite the perspicacity of the Tinubu administration in opting for the implementation of a performance management system, there is still a fundamental question an institutional reformer is forced to ask. Are the MDAs’ structural, procedural and institutional dynamics capable of readying themselves for the performance-oriented change process? Are they prepared to shoulder the burden of performance management? Why, despite our best reform efforts, has it appeared as if the civil service system is just gyrating on an axis without any appreciable progress? The performance management dynamic of the civil service system in Nigeria has been dominated by the fixation with the APER template and some underlying assumptions. These have to be deconstructed to even begin to reinvent the performance management system that will anchor the Renewed Hope Agenda. First, therefore, we need to make it very clear that the staff performance evaluation that the APER takes care of is not the same thing as performance management. The annual performance appraisal is merely a one-off evaluation criterion that barely adds any value to a staff member’s promotion score. It is therefore just a key but not too too-significant component of performance management.

On the contrary, performance transcends staff appraisal. It involves a continuous cycle of monitoring and reporting of performance against certain set targets, goals, and objectives. To foreground performance as the basis for evaluating the MDAs, the Renewed Hope Agenda has to concretize a performance system that instigate performance monitoring, evaluation and reporting based on (a) whether or not the MDA is doing what it is supposed to do in terms of outputs, impacts and outcomes; (b) articulate gap identification in the MDAs that enables them not only to evaluate and learn but also to improve their performance; and (c) institute a reward and sanction system as a basis for rewarding high performance, and sanctioning low performance.

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As a paradigmatic shift away from the traditional Weberian and “I-am-directed” bureaucratic system, performance management transcends technical and technocratic design, roll-out and training, and speaks rather to the necessity of transforming work and workplace culture, behaviour and attitude in ways that emphasise outputs through the baselining of quality information and data system with the capacity to produce high-quality data promptly. This then enables the MDAs to develop strategic plans, like the medium-term sector strategy, which stipulate quantitatively measurable goals, objectives, performance indicators and how they are to be achieved.

To, therefore, concretise the firm resolve of the Tinubu administration to frog leap the civil service system into an efficient mode through the adoption of the performance management system, more is required. The performance system must first be squared with the existing dynamics of technology, capacity, governance and technology. It is not just sufficient to introduce the system in a discrete manner that fails to cohere with the existing overall civil service limitations and possibilities in terms of structures and institutions.

Here, the Offices of the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation and state Heads of Service will need to play a crucial role as nodal points in coordinating the strengthening of the monitoring and compliance dimensions of the performance management system in the central personnel agencies. This will facilitate not only the institutionalisation of performance as an accountability tool but also the necessity of unifying its dynamics and procedures across the MDAs. The second most significant step in the institutionalisation of the performance management system is the need to integrate it with the existing and reformed components of the human resource management. This will be two-sided. On the one hand, it will involve the HR processes of recruitment, promotion, training and deployment that articulate the significance of leadership pipelining and talent management for the civil service. On the other hand, there is also the imperative of a consequence management system that regulates performances and challenges through, for instance, a performance bonus or the establishment of a challenge fund that motivates performance. This must also be coupled with a service-wide capacity-building workshop and training program, especially for supervisors, to determine a schedule for periodic impact assessment.

The Federal and States Ministries of Budget and Planning, OSGF/OSSGs, Bureau of Statistics, Civil Service Commissions, government training institutions, and, of course, the Office of the Special Adviser to the President on Policy and Coordination, etc., have pivotal roles in PMS implementation. Their roles are multi-layered and integral, making the PMS inter-ministerial partnership an irreducible critical success factor in its implementation to be explored in great detail. Exploration of the dimensions of the latter is beyond my mission in this contribution, as it is far more nuanced and technical.

The Renewed Hope Agenda has taken off to a good start. It is a declared intention to shun bad politics in the articulation of a governance framework that is founded on a solid institutional reform blueprint that will deliver the stated goals of the Tinubu administration. What I have done in this piece is to outline the structural and institutional components of the performance management system that will backstop the success of the agenda. It is the last mile towards good governance.

Prof. Olaopa, the Chairman of the Federal Civil Service Commission, writes from Abuja

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Belgian parliament to legislate to allow police to enter homes to facilitate undocumented migrant removals

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Belgian police will soon be able, in conjunction with the Immigration Office (DVZ), to enter the homes of undocumented migrants who pose a threat to public order or national security. This is set out in a bill drafted by the Belgian Asylum and Migration Minister, Anneleen Van Bossuyt (Flemish nationalist N-VA), and Justice Minister Annelies Verlinden (Flemish Christian democrat CD&V), which has now been approved by the House Home Affairs Committee. The proposal still needs to be OKed during a plenary session of the lower house of the Belgian parliament.

Home searches like these are controversial. The aim is to make it easier to deport people residing here illegally and who persistently refuse to cooperate with efforts to facilitate their return.

The new law will make this possible. Following entry into the home, the police may place the person in question – that is, the individual who poses a threat to public order or national security – under administrative detention. However, prior authorisation from an investigating judge is required to enter the home.

Speaking to press agency Belga, Minister Van Bossuyt referred to this as “an historic breakthrough” and had previously said that this “is the final piece in a firm but humane return policy”.

“This is not a witch-hunt against people who have international protection or are simply in the country illegally (..) The law sets out clear conditions, and a search of a home can only take place with the authorisation of an investigating judge.”

(Overly) broad definitions

The bill did, however, attract a great deal of comment and was extensively discussed in parliament.

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The opposition, the federal police, investigating judges and lawyers alike were highly critical. They believe that the exact meaning of ‘a threat to public order or national security’ has not been defined clearly enough.

“It will be up to the investigating judge to determine whether someone poses a threat to public order or national security,” says Van Bossuyt. “The judge will independently assess whether that person poses such a threat. That is a crucial test.”

Minister Van Bossuyt finds the debate strange: “The concepts of public order and national security feature in many parts of our legislation. Nowhere is a specific list provided of what they entail.” What is more, according to Van Bossuyt, the Council of State, which vets Belgian draft legislation, has explicitly stated that it is not desirable to define these concepts, as they may evolve over time.

“When the Justice Minister drafts new legislation, she isn’t asked how judges should apply that law, is she?” Van Bossuyt notes.

Van Bossuyt has also tabled an amendment to her own bill: “We have given investigating judges more time to reach a decision, from 5 days to 7.”

She emphasises that their role is not merely reduced to that of a ‘rubber-stamp judge’: “The investigating judge will absolutely not be a rubber-stamp judge, precisely because they play such a crucial role in assessing whether someone poses a threat or not. They will have access to the full case file.”

What about minors?

Another point of criticism concerns the rights of minors. According to critics, these are not sufficiently safeguarded. Government party Les Engagés (Francophone centrist) was only prepared to vote for the bill if greater protection for minors was provided.

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“When authorising a search of a home, the investigating judge must determine all the conditions under which that search may take place,” explains Van Bossuyt. “If, for example, children are present, the investigating judge can stipulate that the search must take place during school hours. In that case, the likelihood of children being present is very low.”

The investigating judge may also, for example, require a psychologist to be present during the search, says Van Bossuyt. “So, the possible presence of minors has certainly been taken into account.”

The minister also points to the responsibility of the person who poses a threat to public order or national security: “It is that person who is making life difficult for those children,” says the minister.

Desperately needed, according to Van Bossuyt

Government party, Les Engagés, did not secure all the amendments it had requested, so MP Xavier Dubois boycotted the second reading. However, his group leader, Aurore Tourneur, did defend the amendments in the House Home Affairs Committee.

This enabled the majority to approve the bill after all, with the support of the Flemish liberal opposition party Anders. Although they, too, called for further amendments.

The left-wing opposition parties voted against. The far-right Vlaams Belang abstained. According to MP Francesca Van Belleghem, the law has been “so watered down by coalition negotiations that it will have virtually no effect in practice”.

‘This was a sensitive bill for several government parties: that’s no secret. In practice, there was an absolute need for this,’ concludes Van Bossuyt.

The bill must now be put to a vote during a plenary session, where the law can be definitively approved.

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Speaking to Belga, the minister warned local authorities that have already announced they will not permit home visits, such as Leuven. “Be fully aware of what that choice means. If you refuse to implement this law and things go wrong, do not point the finger at the federal government afterwards. Because then you will be jeopardising the safety of your own residents” she said.

Source: VRT.BE

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Trump rules out new Iran attack before US midterm elections

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President Donald Trump ruled out Thursday attacking Iran before the US midterms on November 3, saying Washington was holding “productive discussions” with Tehran.

Trump’s announcement on his Truth Social platform followed a surge in oil prices driven by media reports suggesting potential new US strikes prior to the elections.

“I want to make it clear to everybody that, while Iran is in very bad condition, both economically and militarily, and while the Blockade will remain in full force and effect…we will not be attacking Iran at any time prior to the Midterm Elections,” he wrote.

“We are having productive discussions with the Islamic Republic of Iran,” he added.

The Atlantic magazine reported on Wednesday that the White House had asked the Pentagon to develop options to strike Iranian targets that could be used before the midterms.

The New York Times said Thursday the plans were being developed despite Trump’s “ambivalence.”

The surge in crude oil prices has also been fueled by persistent tensions in the Strait of Hormuz — a strategic chokepoint for the global oil trade — as well as hostilities between Yemen’s Iran-backed Houthis and Saudi Arabia.

Polls suggest American voters are strongly dissatisfied with fuel prices, which have soared since US-Israeli strikes against Iran on February 28 triggered the conflict.

Brent North Sea crude, the international benchmark, rallied to as high as $105.88 a barrel on Thursday before retreating to $104.28.

– Putin vows to help –

Russian President Vladimir Putin promised Thursday to “do everything” to help end the Middle East war when he met Iranian counterpart Masoud Pezeshkian for talks ahead of a regional summit, Russian media reported.

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“We are ready to do everything that is in our power to contribute to the settlement of this situation,” Putin said after arriving in Turkmenistan for a summit of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) that starts Friday in the Caspian Sea resort of Avaza.

He added that Iran had made “real efforts to end the war,” according to Russian news agencies.

Russia and Iran have reinforced diplomatic and military links since Russia launched its offensive in Ukraine in February 2022, becoming increasingly reliant on each other.

Trump has repeatedly insisted in recent weeks that the United States has effectively won the Iran war, despite ongoing unrest and a recent security threat that forced the withdrawal of American bombers from a base in England.

Iran’s President Masoud Pezeshkian insisted Tehran was “engaged in dialogue, but every time we negotiate with the United States, they attack again”, Iranian state media quoted him as saying at the talks with Putin.

Pezeshkian said the Islamic republic wanted to see a “final framework” to end the war.

But he accused the United States of “trying to impose its policies and views on all countries”.

“If the United States insists on pursuing a unilateral approach, a resolution will not be possible,” he said, according to state media.

– Approaching election –

The midterm elections will shape the final two years of Trump’s presidential term as his Republican Party risks losing its current grip on Congress.

Although Trump is not on the ballot, he is holding numerous rallies in an attempt to limit the damage or even turn the political tide.

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Trump has warned he faces a possible third impeachment if Democrats retake the House of Representatives, and the White House is preparing for a slew of investigations into corruption and abuse of power.

The US president also sought to calm a furor on Thursday over his comments at a rally earlier this week that Iran could “take out” the cities of Los Angeles and San Diego.

The 80-year-old blamed the “fake and artificial news” for misinterpreting the remarks, which Democrats pounced on.

“In actuality, what I was talking about was that a temporary increase in the price of Gasoline is a small price to pay for Iran not having a Nuclear Weapon and, if you want to see a big price, can you imagine what it would be like if they bombed San Diego and/or Los Angeles?” Trump said on Truth Social.

AFP

Source: punchng.com

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INEC displays voter register, begins PVC distribution ahead of 2027 elections

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The Independent National Electoral Commission has commenced the display of the preliminary register of voters and distribution of Permanent Voter Cards across states as part of preparations for the 2027 general elections.

The seven-day exercise, which begins on Friday and runs through October 15, will allow registered voters to verify their details, raise claims and objections, and collect PVCs from the first phase of the Continuous Voter Registration conducted between August and December 2025.

In Plateau and Sokoto states, the respective Resident Electoral Commissioners announced that the exercise would take place at Registration Area centres, with PVC collection continuing at INEC offices at the local government level after the display period.

In a statement by the Plateau REC, Prof. Sam Egwu, made available to journalists in Jos on Thursday, the commission said the exercise was pursuant to Section 19(1) of the Electoral Act 2026, which mandates it to display the voter register not less than 90 days before the general elections.

He said, “The Independent National Electoral Commission, Plateau State, wishes to inform the good people of Plateau State that the commission will commence display of the Preliminary Register of Voters, attend to the hearing of claims and objections as well as collection of Permanent Voters Cards (PVCs) simultaneously in all the 207 Registration Areas in the state, from the 9th to 15th of October 2026 (7 days and weekends inclusive). Time is 9 am -3 pm daily.”

The statement asked all registered voters to take advantage of the opportunity to check their details.

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“All registered voters are encouraged to take advantage of this opportunity to carefully check information they provided, such as their names, photographs, date of birth, polling units and other relevant registration details to make necessary claims and objections within this stipulated period as an accurate voter register is important for free and credible elections,” the REC said.

He further disclosed that PVCs from the first phase of the CVR exercise conducted from August 18, 2025 to December 10, 2025, would be available for collection during the exercise.

In Sokoto, the REC, Umar Garba, while briefing journalists on the commission’s preparations for the 2027 general elections, said the exercise was part of INEC’s activities ahead of the 2027 elections.

Garba, who was at the Nigeria Union of Journalists Press Centre, said the commission was committed to ensuring that eligible voters were given the opportunity to verify their registration details and collect their PVCs.

“The Independent National Electoral Commission will commence the display of the preliminary register of voters for claims and objections, as well as the distribution of Permanent Voter Cards from the 9th to the 15th of October 2026,” Garba said.

He said PVCs relating to lost or damaged cards, transfers, updates and registrations conducted during the second and third phases of the CVR were not yet ready for collection.

Garba said the commission would announce when the affected PVCs became available.

He added that after the exercise at the Registration Area level ended on October 15, distribution would continue at INEC offices in the 23 local government areas of the state.

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“This will enable eligible voters who could not collect their cards at the Registration Area level to do so,” he said.

On security, Garba said INEC had continued to take the advice of security agencies into consideration throughout the voter registration process.

“Throughout the registration of voters held recently, the commission took the advice of security agencies very seriously. This contributed to a safe process without any casualties,” he said.

He assured eligible voters that INEC would work to ensure that PVCs were distributed across the state.

On internally displaced persons, Garba said the commission was engaging security agencies to establish the number of IDPs in Sokoto and determine how they could participate in the 2027 elections.

“The commission is always talking with security agencies to ascertain the number of IDPs in the state. We are working to ensure that they vote once they are in official and recognised camps,” he said.

The REC also said INEC would release the total number of registered voters in Sokoto State at the appropriate time.

Source: punchng.com

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