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Performance management system as game changer in Nigeria’s development progress

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One critical question that I have contended with for some time as a public service institutional reformer is, why has it been so very difficult to institute performance-oriented values and systems to alter the inherited ‘I am directed’ traditional public administration tradition in the civil service in Nigeria? Indeed, implementation of the performance management system has been largely rhetorical, entailing moving in circles since the Jerome Udoji Public Service Reform Commission reforms’ first attempt in 1974. Why is this so? One, civil servants generally take on their job as a career, largely because of job security. They, therefore, would generally resist any reform that threatens their jobs, even if such reforms are in the public interest. This attitude translates, for all practical purposes, into a general dislike for change and an unreflective defence of the status quo.

Two, civil servants are accustomed to a tradition of ‘wait for your turn’ to gain seniority within hierarchical structures, and, therefore, value the respect and authority that their positions carry jealously. This orientation contrasts with performance management’s need to reward individual initiatives, creativity, authority of knowledge, and proven expertise, while rewarding officers based on evidence of performance, usually measured as outputs, outcomes and impact within results-based management frameworks. Three, in any governance context and administrative environment where entitlement mentality prevails, where cultural practices of patronage and nepotism that would usually override merit on the altar of ethnic, religious and sectional parochialisms prevail. One where personal connections and loyalty influence appointments with brazen disregard for merit, as is common in our clime, it is usually difficult to achieve the flexibility that enables the fairness and objectivity required for a performance-based system to function effectively. Let us now proceed to put this set of theoretical statements in context, to explain how the failure to institute performance-based systems in Nigeria’s public administration system over the years has, in part, been responsible for Nigeria’s arrested development.

Let me start with an axiom that has guided my reform optimism about the Nigerian state and the unfinished business of institutional reform. That axiom is that there is definitely no shortage of development visions, blueprints, development ideas and paradigms, well-intended policies and programs, or even expert or professional advisory support. As a public service institutional reformer and policy implementation researcher, I recognise all these as the very first step in the trajectory of getting reform done. Thus, while consecutive Nigerian governments could be said to have a surfeit of the visions and ideas that ground institutional reforms with varying levels of impacts, the momentum that translates these visions, ideas and paradigms into efficient institutions and transformative development progress has been missing.

Unfortunately, the institutional and developmental impacts have been less than salutary because of the lack of political will that backstops the success of any reform effort. This is the second level of the reform business that unlocks the possibility of success. We can all agree, without prejudice, that many Nigerian governments have played bad politics with development programs. By this, I mean that Nigeria’s political orientation, from independence to date, has made it extremely difficult to achieve the right composition of elite nationalism that triggers national development. First, there is the problem of policy short-circuiting due to administrative discontinues—each government always desires to reinvent the political and administrative wheels rather than building on the foundations the previous administrations have laid. Most fundamental is the lack of any genuine ideological bases for political parties that connect to an overarching philosophical construct for rethinking national integration and national development. Since 1999, when Nigeria resumed its democratic experiment, politicking has been more about trivial issues of religion and ethnicity than that of issue-based discourse on taking Nigeria seriously.

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In institutional reform terms, therefore, we have been witnessing political administrations that have been entrapped in the conception-reality gap in the sense that they have demonstrated some real passion for institutional reforms, given the availability of outstanding ideas, insights and blueprints. However, the passion lacked deep knowledge that could have enabled the governments to intimately and critically interrogate the binding constraints that limit and undermine institutional reforms in the public sector change space, as well as the institutional architecture that the space represents. This failure makes it very difficult for these governments to recognise the devils in the details of development policy execution. This conception-reality gap is further complicated by the ready default of the prebendal culture of primitive accumulation that colours elite nationalism. This makes it difficult for any successive administration in Nigeria to take a gamble on development by initiating development bargains around which the Nigerian Project could have taken off efficiently and with the right dose of political will to raise the possibility of success.

From an institutional reform perspective, many of Nigeria’s past governments have moved from electoral victory to administrative performance to unlock the dividends of democratic governance without a thorough knowledge of the binding constraints that require dismantling within the governance, administrative and institutional dynamics of the Nigerian state and its public service.

Thus, every effort to ignite structural and developmental transformation has remained futile. From the technical angle of policy and development management, therefore, Nigeria has been benchmarking failures through change management initiatives that have been marred by several limitations: poor policy and programme design; poor resource allocation; unstable macroeconomic climate not matched with required policy intelligence and analytics; lack of disciplined and performance managed development policy and programme execution; policy and programme discontinuity; low public service organisational intelligent quotient and sub-optimal institutional capability readiness; and the wide-ranging sociological and cultural issues generally summed up as the Nigerian factor.

However, when his administration was inaugurated, President Bola Tinubu wisely opted for performance management as the best means to manage the Renewed Hope Agenda. And to achieve this, the President compelled key policy players to sign a performance bond. The administration further appointed Hadiza Bala-Usman to oversee the structural nodal point for implementing and tracking the trajectory of institutional performance. Whatever the process is called—performance bond, agreement or contract—it signals a political willingness on the part of the government to achieve a measure of performance and productivity through a judicious attempt to get the best out of the people, infrastructure, financial and material resources deployed by the MDAs. This will be achieved through a systematic set of actions that link the Renewed Hope Agenda’s policy goals and national development objectives with the performance and productivity expectations from the MDAs in terms of sector strategies, performance budgeting, improvement plans, targets, data, workplans, key performance indicators, training and capacity development, etc. And to achieve the utmost productivity, corrective measures in terms of rewards and sanctions are equally put in place when performance improves or falls short.

By opting for the performance management system, the Tinubu administration has keyed into a global best practice. From Florence Nightingale’s effort, in 1861, to instigate the publication of medical statistics in London hospitals and the impact of this on the British civil service, to F.W. Taylor’s scientific management method that facilitated process improvements on factory floors, performance management has come a long way. By the time colonial rule was over, and Nigeria had keyed into the inherited administrative traditions of the British civil service system, Nigeria had adopted the formal personality-based assessment models, the most popular of which is the annual performance evaluation report form. Unfortunately, this template would soon degenerate into oblivion because of its flaws bordering on its subjective limitations. And high-performing civil service systems across the world would later revise and supplement it with other rating instruments and scales, including psychometrics, 360-degree peer review feedback, management by objectives, critical incident techniques, behaviorally anchored rating scales, assessment centres, project-based appraisals, self-assessments, competency-based reviews, narrative appraisals, and many more.

For the Nigerian civil service system, the Udoji Commission report recommended and introduced the planning, programming, budgeting system, which ensured that MDAs and their performances were framed in terms of programmes and strategies rather than line items. The commission also introduced the management by objectives, and later the zero-based budgeting. At the global level, and under the prodding of the new public management, performance management planning and implementation would soon be enriched and upgraded at many critical and technical points to demonstrate the complexity of measuring performance in an increasingly complex administrative world. The Kaplan and Norton Balanced Scorecard became significant in the public sector because of its revolutionary shifting of the performance scorecard away from the traditional focus on the very narrow financial considerations to a broader assessment founded on four variables—financial, customer, innovation/growth, and internal processes. This has been followed by other performance management features, from value for money audit and service delivery units to performance-based pay and sanctions and citizens’ charter.

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Despite the perspicacity of the Tinubu administration in opting for the implementation of a performance management system, there is still a fundamental question an institutional reformer is forced to ask. Are the MDAs’ structural, procedural and institutional dynamics capable of readying themselves for the performance-oriented change process? Are they prepared to shoulder the burden of performance management? Why, despite our best reform efforts, has it appeared as if the civil service system is just gyrating on an axis without any appreciable progress? The performance management dynamic of the civil service system in Nigeria has been dominated by the fixation with the APER template and some underlying assumptions. These have to be deconstructed to even begin to reinvent the performance management system that will anchor the Renewed Hope Agenda. First, therefore, we need to make it very clear that the staff performance evaluation that the APER takes care of is not the same thing as performance management. The annual performance appraisal is merely a one-off evaluation criterion that barely adds any value to a staff member’s promotion score. It is therefore just a key but not too too-significant component of performance management.

On the contrary, performance transcends staff appraisal. It involves a continuous cycle of monitoring and reporting of performance against certain set targets, goals, and objectives. To foreground performance as the basis for evaluating the MDAs, the Renewed Hope Agenda has to concretize a performance system that instigate performance monitoring, evaluation and reporting based on (a) whether or not the MDA is doing what it is supposed to do in terms of outputs, impacts and outcomes; (b) articulate gap identification in the MDAs that enables them not only to evaluate and learn but also to improve their performance; and (c) institute a reward and sanction system as a basis for rewarding high performance, and sanctioning low performance.

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As a paradigmatic shift away from the traditional Weberian and “I-am-directed” bureaucratic system, performance management transcends technical and technocratic design, roll-out and training, and speaks rather to the necessity of transforming work and workplace culture, behaviour and attitude in ways that emphasise outputs through the baselining of quality information and data system with the capacity to produce high-quality data promptly. This then enables the MDAs to develop strategic plans, like the medium-term sector strategy, which stipulate quantitatively measurable goals, objectives, performance indicators and how they are to be achieved.

To, therefore, concretise the firm resolve of the Tinubu administration to frog leap the civil service system into an efficient mode through the adoption of the performance management system, more is required. The performance system must first be squared with the existing dynamics of technology, capacity, governance and technology. It is not just sufficient to introduce the system in a discrete manner that fails to cohere with the existing overall civil service limitations and possibilities in terms of structures and institutions.

Here, the Offices of the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation and state Heads of Service will need to play a crucial role as nodal points in coordinating the strengthening of the monitoring and compliance dimensions of the performance management system in the central personnel agencies. This will facilitate not only the institutionalisation of performance as an accountability tool but also the necessity of unifying its dynamics and procedures across the MDAs. The second most significant step in the institutionalisation of the performance management system is the need to integrate it with the existing and reformed components of the human resource management. This will be two-sided. On the one hand, it will involve the HR processes of recruitment, promotion, training and deployment that articulate the significance of leadership pipelining and talent management for the civil service. On the other hand, there is also the imperative of a consequence management system that regulates performances and challenges through, for instance, a performance bonus or the establishment of a challenge fund that motivates performance. This must also be coupled with a service-wide capacity-building workshop and training program, especially for supervisors, to determine a schedule for periodic impact assessment.

The Federal and States Ministries of Budget and Planning, OSGF/OSSGs, Bureau of Statistics, Civil Service Commissions, government training institutions, and, of course, the Office of the Special Adviser to the President on Policy and Coordination, etc., have pivotal roles in PMS implementation. Their roles are multi-layered and integral, making the PMS inter-ministerial partnership an irreducible critical success factor in its implementation to be explored in great detail. Exploration of the dimensions of the latter is beyond my mission in this contribution, as it is far more nuanced and technical.

The Renewed Hope Agenda has taken off to a good start. It is a declared intention to shun bad politics in the articulation of a governance framework that is founded on a solid institutional reform blueprint that will deliver the stated goals of the Tinubu administration. What I have done in this piece is to outline the structural and institutional components of the performance management system that will backstop the success of the agenda. It is the last mile towards good governance.

Prof. Olaopa, the Chairman of the Federal Civil Service Commission, writes from Abuja

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Police comb forest after terrorists abduct NECO students in Borno

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The Borno State Police Command has deployed security operatives to Lassa community in Askira/Uba Local Government Area following the abduction of an unspecified number of students writing the National Examinations Council examinations by suspected terrorists.

PUNCH Online had earlier reported that the attackers stormed the school at about 9 a.m. on Monday, shooting sporadically before abducting students and women selling food items within the school premises.

Confirming the deployment to PUNCH Online, the spokesperson for the Borno State Police Command, Nahum Daso, said security operatives confronted the attackers, preventing a larger-scale abduction.

“Around 9 a.m. in the morning, ISWAP attacked Lassa Day Secondary School. They shot sporadically. An unspecified number of students have been abducted.

“Security forces confronted them. For now, we have an unspecified number of students who were abducted. The CP deployed the Area Commander in Askira/Uba. They are currently combing the bush,” Daso said.

The Special Adviser to Adamawa State Governor, Ahmadu Fintiri, on Media and Strategy, Mr Solomon Kwamagar, a resident of Lassa, also confirmed the incident to PUNCH Online on Monday morning.

He disclosed that the attackers arrived on motorcycles and invaded the school.

“Today is Lassa market day. I was informed that they came through the market on motorcycles and went to Government Day Secondary School, Lassa. They shot and killed one teacher and took away all the students who were in their classrooms,” he said.

Kwamagar added, “Lassa in Borno State is predominantly inhabited by my people, the Margi. We are in both Adamawa and Borno states. I am from Lassa, but I chose to reside in Madagali Local Government Area of Adamawa State.”

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He further said, “I’m still making contacts to ascertain the total number of students and teachers who were kidnapped from the school.”

Earlier, the President of the Borno South Youth Alliance, Samaila Kaigama, told PUNCH Online that the attackers wore military and forest guard uniforms.

“Yes. There was an attack on students writing NECO exams. The terrorists came around past nine. They passed the military checkpoint. They wore military and forest guard attire. They shot sporadically,” he said.

Kaigama said one teacher was killed while another sustained gunshot injuries.

“They killed one teacher from Chibok. They shot another, but not dead yet. They also kidnapped some students and women selling on the school premises. The numbers are not yet out,” he said.

When contacted, the Chairman of Askira/Uba Local Government Area, Mada Saidu, declined to comment.

“I am very busy now. We are in a situation,” he said.

Efforts to obtain comments from the state Commissioner for Information and Internal Security, Usman Tar, were unsuccessful as he neither answered calls nor responded to messages.

However, residents who spoke to PUNCH Online claimed that two teachers and one student were killed during the attack.

“They killed two teachers and one female student. The student was shot in her mouth,” a resident who requested anonymity said.

On May 16, PUNCH Online reported that 42 students and pupils were abducted after suspected Boko Haram terrorists attacked Mussa Primary and Junior Secondary School in Askira/Uba Local Government Area.

The senator representing Borno South, Ali Ndume, had said the abductees comprised four students of Government Day Secondary School, 28 primary school pupils and 10 children abducted from their homes.

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NASS sends state police bill to 36 states’ assemblies

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The National Assembly is set to transmit the Constitution Alteration Bill seeking the establishment of state police to the 36 state Houses of Assembly this week, marking the next critical stage of one of Nigeria’s most far-reaching security reforms.

The development comes days after the Senate passed the landmark constitutional amendment, with lawmakers now racing to secure the approval of at least 24 state legislatures before the bill can be transmitted to President Bola Tinubu for assent.

Chairman of the Senate Committee on Media and Publicity, Yemi Adaramodu, disclosed the development in an exclusive interview with The PUNCH on Sunday, saying all the necessary arrangements had been concluded for the transmission.

According to him, the state legislatures and governors were already awaiting the bill following consultations held ahead of its passage by the National Assembly.

“The bill for the creation of state police will get to the states this week. The states’ speakers have met and are awaiting the bill from the National Assembly.

“The state governors are expecting it too, even with their presence in the Senate chamber when the bill was being considered and passed,” Adaramodu said.

The planned transmission signals the beginning of the final constitutional hurdle for the proposed amendment, which requires endorsement by not less than two-thirds of the 36 state Houses of Assembly in line with Section 9 of the 1999 Constitution before it can become law.

Momentum has continued to build behind the proposal since the Senate approved the amendment after a clause-by-clause consideration of the report presented by the Senate Committee on the Review of the Constitution, chaired by Deputy Senate President Barau Jibrin.

The legislation seeks to establish a dual policing structure that will empower state governments to establish and maintain police services within their jurisdictions while preserving the constitutional responsibilities of the Nigeria Police Force over national security matters such as terrorism, border security, cybercrime, arms trafficking and other federal offences.

To address longstanding concerns over possible abuse by state governments, lawmakers incorporated several safeguards into the bill, including provisions prohibiting state police authorities from targeting individuals or groups for criticising governments and empowering the Federal Government to intervene in cases involving threats to national security, breakdown of public order or violations of fundamental human rights.

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The proposed reform has received unprecedented backing from governors, speakers of state legislatures and major political stakeholders across the country.

The Conference of Speakers of State Legislatures in Nigeria had earlier endorsed the bill, with its Chairman and Speaker of the Delta State House of Assembly, Emomotimi Guwor, assuring Nigerians that all state houses of assembly would give the proposal diligent consideration.

Several governors have also welcomed the amendment, describing it as a timely response to worsening insecurity across the federation.

Among them, Benue State Governor, Hyacinth Alia, described the Senate’s passage of the bill as a landmark step towards strengthening Nigeria’s security architecture, arguing that state police would possess a better understanding of local terrain and community dynamics, thereby improving intelligence gathering and response to criminal activities.

Similarly, the Forum of Progressive Speakers of State Legislatures under the All Progressives Congress pledged to facilitate speedy ratification in APC-controlled houses of assembly while promising robust oversight mechanisms to ensure professionalism and respect for human rights.

The Labour Party also threw its weight behind the proposal, describing the Senate’s action as a significant milestone in the quest to strengthen internal security through community-based policing.

Though it acknowledged concerns over possible abuse by governors, the party expressed confidence in the constitutional safeguards embedded in the amendment.

The proposal also attracted opposition from the Peoples Redemption Party, which questioned the timing of the initiative and urged Nigerians to reject it, arguing that the current administration lacks the credibility to oversee such a fundamental restructuring of the country’s policing system.

Despite the reservations expressed by critics, the planned transmission of the bill to the states this week is expected to trigger deliberations across the 36 Houses of Assembly, where lawmakers will conduct public hearings, stakeholder engagements and legislative scrutiny before voting on the constitutional amendment.

If at least 24 state assemblies endorse the proposal, it will pave the way for President Bola Tinubu’s assent, potentially ending decades of debate over the decentralisation of policing and ushering in what many stakeholders believe could be the most significant reform of Nigeria’s internal security architecture since the return to democratic rule in 1999.

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Meanwhile, the Senate on Sunday defended the passage of the state police bill, insisting that its passage, which 84 senators supported, is a response to Nigeria’s worsening security challenges.

The upper chamber said the bill emerged from years of consultations, public engagements, and broad national consensus, stressing that it would be wrong to delay the proposal for political calculations ahead of the 2027 general election.

The position comes amid growing debate over the constitutional amendment bill, with supporters arguing that decentralising policing will improve security at the grassroots, while critics fear that state police could be abused by governors to intimidate political opponents.

Defending the Senate’s decision in a statement issued by his media office on Sunday, the Leader of the Senate, Opeyemi Bamidele, said the proposal was “purely a child of necessity and not of political expediency as well as a product of national consensus and not of cynicism.”

He maintained that the establishment of state police had become a matter of urgent national importance that should not be sacrificed because of anyone’s political ambition.

According to him, the process leading to the passage of the bill did not begin recently but evolved through extensive constitutional review engagements involving key stakeholders across the country.

Despite some dissenting views, Bamidele said observations had shown that Nigerians largely welcomed the passage of the bill with the belief that it would significantly improve security at the sub-national level.

He said, “The state police proposal was part of memoranda submitted to the Senate Ad hoc Committee on the Review of the 1999 Constitution. The memorandum had been subjected to a rigorous process and multi-tiered consultation across the federation due to its sensitive nature.

“During this process, the National Assembly broadly consulted the executive, the Nigeria Governors’ Forum, the Conference of Speakers of the State Legislatures of Nigeria and the leadership of the Nigeria Police, among others.

“In July 2025, the National Assembly conducted public hearings in all geopolitical zones, and the participants overwhelmingly approved it.

“At each level of our consultation, nearly all stakeholders embraced the State Police Bill in the light of stark realities we are facing today.”

The Senate Leader said the Nigerian Police actively contributed to the drafting of the constitutional amendment by offering recommendations that helped lawmakers build safeguards against potential abuse of state police by political actors.

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According to him, those recommendations formed part of accountability and oversight mechanisms embedded in the legislation to ensure that state police operate within constitutional limits.

He added that the willingness of the Nigerian Police to support the proposal underscored its strategic importance in addressing insecurity at the local and state levels.

Beyond the contributions of the police hierarchy, Bamidele said the bill was subjected to extensive debates in both chambers of the National Assembly before its eventual passage.

He noted that support for the legislation cut across party lines.

He said: “Even though the APC is the majority, there are members of opposition parties – PDP, ADC, NDC and Labour Party – that exercised their discretion in favour of the Bill, mainly in the national interest and not on a parochial basis.

“In the Senate, for instance, 84 out of 109 members voted clause by clause in support of the Bill. This accounted for 77.06 per cent approval at the Senate alone.”

Bamidele argued that security should transcend political affiliations, noting that countries facing security threats often unite behind reforms aimed at strengthening national safety.

Globally, he said, security “is a collective public good that benefits citizenry across ethnic, political and religious divides.

“Political actors elsewhere always throw off their togas of partisanship and parochialism to support initiatives that will boost and reinforce national security.”

He, therefore, urged opposition parties to contribute constructive ideas that would strengthen peace and stability across the federation rather than oppose initiatives solely on political grounds.

Bamidele also challenged opposition parties and leaders to come forward with ideas that would deepen the peace and stability of the federation.

“Even when they disagree on some grounds, they are under obligations to provide credible and useful ideas that can make our nation better and greater. Unfortunately, they have not passed this critical test of opposition democracy,” Bamidele said.

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Chaos as flooding shuts Lagos airport temporary terminal

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There was chaos at the temporary terminal of the Murtala Muhammed International Airport, Lagos, on Sunday after heavy rainfall caused severe flooding at the facility.

The departure hall, boarding gates, airline temporary offices, and other sections of the makeshift terminal were submerged. The situation forced the Federal Airports Authority of Nigeria to shut the terminal abruptly, as airlines operating from the facility could no longer process passengers.

As a result of the flooding, airlines, including Air France-KLM, Ethiopian Airlines, and Fly Gabon, were relocated from the terminal. According to officials, the terminal’s powerhouse was also flooded, forcing the authorities to switch off electricity.

Consequently, all airlines operating from the facility were moved to Terminal Two of the MMIA. FAAN officials alleged that the flooding was caused by blocked drainage channels, which they attributed to the Chinese company currently reconstructing the old international terminal.The incident came just months after FAAN shut the old MMIA terminal for a major reconstruction project estimated to cost more than N600bn. A few months ago, a fire also broke out at the old terminal, damaging parts of the facility.

Sources said the ongoing reconstruction of the old terminal by the Chinese contractor has caused several disruptions at the airport.

Reacting to Sunday’s flooding, FAAN spokesperson Henry Agbebire confirmed the incident, attributing it to the ongoing construction work at the airport.

According to Agbebire, the construction temporarily affected the drainage system, resulting in flooding. He said, “It was the construction works that affected the drainage. And for operational reasons, we have moved airlines operating from that terminal to Terminal 2, and the development has not really affected their operations.

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“There were no cancellations at all. We have taken immediate action to fix that problem to the extent that it doesn’t happen again. You can rest assured of that.”

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