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Performance management system as game changer in Nigeria’s development progress

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One critical question that I have contended with for some time as a public service institutional reformer is, why has it been so very difficult to institute performance-oriented values and systems to alter the inherited ‘I am directed’ traditional public administration tradition in the civil service in Nigeria? Indeed, implementation of the performance management system has been largely rhetorical, entailing moving in circles since the Jerome Udoji Public Service Reform Commission reforms’ first attempt in 1974. Why is this so? One, civil servants generally take on their job as a career, largely because of job security. They, therefore, would generally resist any reform that threatens their jobs, even if such reforms are in the public interest. This attitude translates, for all practical purposes, into a general dislike for change and an unreflective defence of the status quo.

Two, civil servants are accustomed to a tradition of ‘wait for your turn’ to gain seniority within hierarchical structures, and, therefore, value the respect and authority that their positions carry jealously. This orientation contrasts with performance management’s need to reward individual initiatives, creativity, authority of knowledge, and proven expertise, while rewarding officers based on evidence of performance, usually measured as outputs, outcomes and impact within results-based management frameworks. Three, in any governance context and administrative environment where entitlement mentality prevails, where cultural practices of patronage and nepotism that would usually override merit on the altar of ethnic, religious and sectional parochialisms prevail. One where personal connections and loyalty influence appointments with brazen disregard for merit, as is common in our clime, it is usually difficult to achieve the flexibility that enables the fairness and objectivity required for a performance-based system to function effectively. Let us now proceed to put this set of theoretical statements in context, to explain how the failure to institute performance-based systems in Nigeria’s public administration system over the years has, in part, been responsible for Nigeria’s arrested development.

Let me start with an axiom that has guided my reform optimism about the Nigerian state and the unfinished business of institutional reform. That axiom is that there is definitely no shortage of development visions, blueprints, development ideas and paradigms, well-intended policies and programs, or even expert or professional advisory support. As a public service institutional reformer and policy implementation researcher, I recognise all these as the very first step in the trajectory of getting reform done. Thus, while consecutive Nigerian governments could be said to have a surfeit of the visions and ideas that ground institutional reforms with varying levels of impacts, the momentum that translates these visions, ideas and paradigms into efficient institutions and transformative development progress has been missing.

Unfortunately, the institutional and developmental impacts have been less than salutary because of the lack of political will that backstops the success of any reform effort. This is the second level of the reform business that unlocks the possibility of success. We can all agree, without prejudice, that many Nigerian governments have played bad politics with development programs. By this, I mean that Nigeria’s political orientation, from independence to date, has made it extremely difficult to achieve the right composition of elite nationalism that triggers national development. First, there is the problem of policy short-circuiting due to administrative discontinues—each government always desires to reinvent the political and administrative wheels rather than building on the foundations the previous administrations have laid. Most fundamental is the lack of any genuine ideological bases for political parties that connect to an overarching philosophical construct for rethinking national integration and national development. Since 1999, when Nigeria resumed its democratic experiment, politicking has been more about trivial issues of religion and ethnicity than that of issue-based discourse on taking Nigeria seriously.

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In institutional reform terms, therefore, we have been witnessing political administrations that have been entrapped in the conception-reality gap in the sense that they have demonstrated some real passion for institutional reforms, given the availability of outstanding ideas, insights and blueprints. However, the passion lacked deep knowledge that could have enabled the governments to intimately and critically interrogate the binding constraints that limit and undermine institutional reforms in the public sector change space, as well as the institutional architecture that the space represents. This failure makes it very difficult for these governments to recognise the devils in the details of development policy execution. This conception-reality gap is further complicated by the ready default of the prebendal culture of primitive accumulation that colours elite nationalism. This makes it difficult for any successive administration in Nigeria to take a gamble on development by initiating development bargains around which the Nigerian Project could have taken off efficiently and with the right dose of political will to raise the possibility of success.

From an institutional reform perspective, many of Nigeria’s past governments have moved from electoral victory to administrative performance to unlock the dividends of democratic governance without a thorough knowledge of the binding constraints that require dismantling within the governance, administrative and institutional dynamics of the Nigerian state and its public service.

Thus, every effort to ignite structural and developmental transformation has remained futile. From the technical angle of policy and development management, therefore, Nigeria has been benchmarking failures through change management initiatives that have been marred by several limitations: poor policy and programme design; poor resource allocation; unstable macroeconomic climate not matched with required policy intelligence and analytics; lack of disciplined and performance managed development policy and programme execution; policy and programme discontinuity; low public service organisational intelligent quotient and sub-optimal institutional capability readiness; and the wide-ranging sociological and cultural issues generally summed up as the Nigerian factor.

However, when his administration was inaugurated, President Bola Tinubu wisely opted for performance management as the best means to manage the Renewed Hope Agenda. And to achieve this, the President compelled key policy players to sign a performance bond. The administration further appointed Hadiza Bala-Usman to oversee the structural nodal point for implementing and tracking the trajectory of institutional performance. Whatever the process is called—performance bond, agreement or contract—it signals a political willingness on the part of the government to achieve a measure of performance and productivity through a judicious attempt to get the best out of the people, infrastructure, financial and material resources deployed by the MDAs. This will be achieved through a systematic set of actions that link the Renewed Hope Agenda’s policy goals and national development objectives with the performance and productivity expectations from the MDAs in terms of sector strategies, performance budgeting, improvement plans, targets, data, workplans, key performance indicators, training and capacity development, etc. And to achieve the utmost productivity, corrective measures in terms of rewards and sanctions are equally put in place when performance improves or falls short.

By opting for the performance management system, the Tinubu administration has keyed into a global best practice. From Florence Nightingale’s effort, in 1861, to instigate the publication of medical statistics in London hospitals and the impact of this on the British civil service, to F.W. Taylor’s scientific management method that facilitated process improvements on factory floors, performance management has come a long way. By the time colonial rule was over, and Nigeria had keyed into the inherited administrative traditions of the British civil service system, Nigeria had adopted the formal personality-based assessment models, the most popular of which is the annual performance evaluation report form. Unfortunately, this template would soon degenerate into oblivion because of its flaws bordering on its subjective limitations. And high-performing civil service systems across the world would later revise and supplement it with other rating instruments and scales, including psychometrics, 360-degree peer review feedback, management by objectives, critical incident techniques, behaviorally anchored rating scales, assessment centres, project-based appraisals, self-assessments, competency-based reviews, narrative appraisals, and many more.

For the Nigerian civil service system, the Udoji Commission report recommended and introduced the planning, programming, budgeting system, which ensured that MDAs and their performances were framed in terms of programmes and strategies rather than line items. The commission also introduced the management by objectives, and later the zero-based budgeting. At the global level, and under the prodding of the new public management, performance management planning and implementation would soon be enriched and upgraded at many critical and technical points to demonstrate the complexity of measuring performance in an increasingly complex administrative world. The Kaplan and Norton Balanced Scorecard became significant in the public sector because of its revolutionary shifting of the performance scorecard away from the traditional focus on the very narrow financial considerations to a broader assessment founded on four variables—financial, customer, innovation/growth, and internal processes. This has been followed by other performance management features, from value for money audit and service delivery units to performance-based pay and sanctions and citizens’ charter.

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Despite the perspicacity of the Tinubu administration in opting for the implementation of a performance management system, there is still a fundamental question an institutional reformer is forced to ask. Are the MDAs’ structural, procedural and institutional dynamics capable of readying themselves for the performance-oriented change process? Are they prepared to shoulder the burden of performance management? Why, despite our best reform efforts, has it appeared as if the civil service system is just gyrating on an axis without any appreciable progress? The performance management dynamic of the civil service system in Nigeria has been dominated by the fixation with the APER template and some underlying assumptions. These have to be deconstructed to even begin to reinvent the performance management system that will anchor the Renewed Hope Agenda. First, therefore, we need to make it very clear that the staff performance evaluation that the APER takes care of is not the same thing as performance management. The annual performance appraisal is merely a one-off evaluation criterion that barely adds any value to a staff member’s promotion score. It is therefore just a key but not too too-significant component of performance management.

On the contrary, performance transcends staff appraisal. It involves a continuous cycle of monitoring and reporting of performance against certain set targets, goals, and objectives. To foreground performance as the basis for evaluating the MDAs, the Renewed Hope Agenda has to concretize a performance system that instigate performance monitoring, evaluation and reporting based on (a) whether or not the MDA is doing what it is supposed to do in terms of outputs, impacts and outcomes; (b) articulate gap identification in the MDAs that enables them not only to evaluate and learn but also to improve their performance; and (c) institute a reward and sanction system as a basis for rewarding high performance, and sanctioning low performance.

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As a paradigmatic shift away from the traditional Weberian and “I-am-directed” bureaucratic system, performance management transcends technical and technocratic design, roll-out and training, and speaks rather to the necessity of transforming work and workplace culture, behaviour and attitude in ways that emphasise outputs through the baselining of quality information and data system with the capacity to produce high-quality data promptly. This then enables the MDAs to develop strategic plans, like the medium-term sector strategy, which stipulate quantitatively measurable goals, objectives, performance indicators and how they are to be achieved.

To, therefore, concretise the firm resolve of the Tinubu administration to frog leap the civil service system into an efficient mode through the adoption of the performance management system, more is required. The performance system must first be squared with the existing dynamics of technology, capacity, governance and technology. It is not just sufficient to introduce the system in a discrete manner that fails to cohere with the existing overall civil service limitations and possibilities in terms of structures and institutions.

Here, the Offices of the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation and state Heads of Service will need to play a crucial role as nodal points in coordinating the strengthening of the monitoring and compliance dimensions of the performance management system in the central personnel agencies. This will facilitate not only the institutionalisation of performance as an accountability tool but also the necessity of unifying its dynamics and procedures across the MDAs. The second most significant step in the institutionalisation of the performance management system is the need to integrate it with the existing and reformed components of the human resource management. This will be two-sided. On the one hand, it will involve the HR processes of recruitment, promotion, training and deployment that articulate the significance of leadership pipelining and talent management for the civil service. On the other hand, there is also the imperative of a consequence management system that regulates performances and challenges through, for instance, a performance bonus or the establishment of a challenge fund that motivates performance. This must also be coupled with a service-wide capacity-building workshop and training program, especially for supervisors, to determine a schedule for periodic impact assessment.

The Federal and States Ministries of Budget and Planning, OSGF/OSSGs, Bureau of Statistics, Civil Service Commissions, government training institutions, and, of course, the Office of the Special Adviser to the President on Policy and Coordination, etc., have pivotal roles in PMS implementation. Their roles are multi-layered and integral, making the PMS inter-ministerial partnership an irreducible critical success factor in its implementation to be explored in great detail. Exploration of the dimensions of the latter is beyond my mission in this contribution, as it is far more nuanced and technical.

The Renewed Hope Agenda has taken off to a good start. It is a declared intention to shun bad politics in the articulation of a governance framework that is founded on a solid institutional reform blueprint that will deliver the stated goals of the Tinubu administration. What I have done in this piece is to outline the structural and institutional components of the performance management system that will backstop the success of the agenda. It is the last mile towards good governance.

Prof. Olaopa, the Chairman of the Federal Civil Service Commission, writes from Abuja

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Germany deports 137 Nigerians in five chartered flights

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Germany deported at least 137 Nigerian citizens in five documented chartered operations between February and June 2026, according to reports sighted by The PUNCH.

The documented arrivals comprised 27 Nigerians deported in February, 37 deported directly by Germany as part of a 50-person joint European Union operation in March, and 24, 23 and 26 Nigerians deported in April, May and June, respectively, according to figures contained in reports monitored by the DERS Team and Refugees4refugees.org.

The figures indicate an increase in the use of chartered flights to return Nigerians from Germany and other European countries, with several of the operations involving cooperation among European states.

On February 18, 2026, a batch of 27 Nigerians arrived at the Lagos Cargo Airport following a deportation operation from Germany.

According to Refugees4refugees.org, the flight was operated by World2fly and departed Stuttgart before arriving in Lagos shortly before 2 pm.

The report said the operation was primarily enforced by Germany, although one person, described as severely ill and mentally unfit, was transferred from Slovakia to join the 26 people deported from Germany.

It also identified Baden-Württemberg as a major participant in the operation and said Stuttgart had hosted both the December 2025 and February 2026 deportation operations to Nigeria.

The report further alleged that while some of those deported had serious health conditions, others had lived and worked in Germany for several years.

It cited the case of a single mother and her three children who were deported from the Sindelfingen district in Stuttgart despite reportedly having documentation relating to their residence status.

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According to the report, the family subsequently returned to Germany after intervention by a volunteer and confirmation from local foreign authorities that the deportation had been made in error.

Furthermore, the February deportation also coincided with Nigeria’s participation in preparations for the Voluntary National Review of the Global Compact for Migration ahead of the 2026 International Migration Review Forum in New York.

The DERS Team said that Nigerian government agencies did not send representatives to receive the deportees at the airport, adding that the returning Nigerians were subsequently transported away from the airport without adequate assistance.

On March 10, another 50 people were deported to Nigeria in a joint EU operation hosted by Germany in cooperation with Spain, Austria and Belgium.

Germany accounted directly for 37 of the deportations, according to the figures provided.

The operation was described as the largest single deportation involving Nigerians in the three years referenced in the report.

A further 24 Nigerians, including women and a minor, were deported on April 9 on a chartered flight from Frankfurt organised through Frontex and German authorities, according to the supplied data.

In May 2026, another batch of 23 deportees was returned to Nigeria, while 26 Nigerians arrived in Lagos on June 17 following another routine chartered deportation flight.

Taken together, the five documented batches amounted to 137 Nigerians returned to the country between February and June 2026.

The figures highlight the continued use of organised charter flights in the enforcement of migration decisions involving Nigerians in Europe.

Migration rights advocates have, however, continued to argue that deportation policies should be accompanied by adequate safeguards for vulnerable people and proper procedures to prevent wrongful removal.

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While migration is as old as time itself, identified underlying factors driving irregular migration include conflict, exploitation, climate-related pressures and economic inequality.

Migration is the permanent or temporary movement of people from one place to another, changing their home. It can happen within a country or across borders, shaping populations, cultures, and job markets.

Source: punchng.com

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Adeyemi demands media, lawyers’ presence before Reps probe on PFIPC scandal

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The House of Representatives Ad Hoc Committee investigating the controversy surrounding the Presidential Foreign Investment Promotion Council is yet to decide where it will question the council’s self-appointed Director-General, Adeniyi Adeyemi, a source familiar with the committee’s proceedings has disclosed.

The development comes as Adeyemi insisted that his lawyers and journalists must be present before he submits to questioning by the House committee.

The committee, chaired by the lawmaker representing Kanke/Kanam/Pankshin Federal Constituency of Plateau State, Yusuf Gagdi, is probing how the PFIPC secured official office accommodation within the Federal Secretariat Complex in Abuja and received a budgetary allocation of more than N1.32bn in the 2026 Appropriation Act despite allegedly having no legal existence.

The investigation has attracted significant public attention following allegations that the council operated within government structures despite lacking legal recognition, raising concerns about possible lapses in public financial management and institutional oversight.

Adeyemi, who has been in police custody over the controversy surrounding the council, is expected to appear before the committee this week, following testimonies from several senior government officials.

However, as of Sunday, the venue for the much-anticipated session remained unsettled.

The source, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorised to discuss the committee’s proceedings with the media, confirmed the development in response to an inquiry by The PUNCH.

Asked whether the committee had chosen a venue for Adeyemi’s appearance, the source simply replied, “No decision yet.”

The development followed the committee’s hearings with key government officials, including the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation, Didi Walson-Jack; the Director-General of the Budget Office of the Federation, Tanimu Yakubu; the Director of Banking Services at the Central Bank of Nigeria, Hamisu Abdullahi; and representatives of the Inspector-General of Police.

The officials’ testimonies reportedly raised questions about how Adeyemi allegedly presented himself as the head of the PFIPC and secured recognition and access within government circles.

Adeyemi had, through his lawyers, indicated his willingness to appear before the committee publicly and respond to questions concerning the allegations.

However, Gagdi said the committee would determine the venue for the session at a later date.

Meanwhile, the Coalition of United Political Parties has rejected the findings of the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission on the PFIPC controversy, describing the investigation as inadequate and calling for a broader and transparent inquiry.

In an interview with our correspondent, CUPP spokesperson, Agu Bryan, said the ICPC’s report, which reportedly cleared the Presidency of wrongdoing while indicting Adeniyi Adeyemi, failed to answer critical questions about how an allegedly non-existent government agency was able to operate at such a high level.

“The ICPC probe of the Presidential Foreign Investment Promotion Council which exonerated the Presidency and indicted Adeniyi Adeyemi is nothing short of a charade,” Bryan said.

He argued that the report appeared to portray Adeyemi as having operated almost entirely alone, despite the scale of activities attributed to him.

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According to Bryan, such an operation could not have continued without assistance or enabling actions by officials within government institutions.

“As Nigerians, we know that someone could not have operated an alleged high-profile agency of such magnitude without enablers, either within the Presidency or across the government agencies involved,” he said.

Bryan called for a broader examination of the roles allegedly played by government institutions referenced in Adeyemi’s correspondence, including the Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, the Central Bank of Nigeria and the Office of the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation.

He particularly cited the testimony of the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation, Didi Walson-Jack, that her office failed to conduct due diligence on some of the documents associated with the controversial council.

The coalition also questioned how the PFIPC allegedly found its way into the national budget if, as reported by the ICPC, it had no legal foundation.

CUPP said the National Assembly and relevant government ministries owed Nigerians an explanation over how funds were appropriated to an organisation whose legal status had allegedly not been established.

“The National Assembly, particularly the House of Representatives, which appropriated funds to an agency that, according to the investigation, never existed as a creation of law, also owes Nigerians an explanation,” Bryan said.

He asked who within the Ministry of Budget and National Planning processed the budget line attributed to the PFIPC and what verification mechanisms were applied before public funds were appropriated.

CUPP also raised questions about the alleged recruitment of hundreds of staff and the extent to which Adeyemi was granted access to official government activities.

Bryan said the issues went beyond determining whether Adeyemi forged documents, arguing that investigators should establish how he allegedly gained access to government processes and institutions.

The controversy escalated after investigators reportedly established that a signature attributed to the Chief of Staff to the President, Femi Gbajabiamila, was forged.

CUPP said the finding should prompt investigators to examine other official documents and correspondence allegedly used by Adeyemi.

“It is commendable that the House and the Police have established that the signature of the Chief of Staff to the President was allegedly forged. But that raises another critical question: how many other documents, official correspondences and signatures allegedly used by Adeyemi were also forged?” Bryan asked.

He said Nigerians deserved to know the full extent of the alleged deception and whether officials responsible for verifying the credentials of individuals dealing with public institutions failed in their duties.

The coalition further questioned how the PFIPC allegedly acquired sufficient official recognition to participate in government processes and appear in the national budget.

“How did a supposedly non-existent agency attain such a level of official recognition and attention that it found its way into the national budget?” he asked.

CUPP also called for Adeyemi to be given a fair opportunity to defend himself before the House committee, arguing that a transparent confrontation with the evidence could help determine whether other individuals or institutions were involved.

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“Was Adeyemi given fair hearing thus far? Has he been given the privilege to appear before the Yusuf Gagdi-led Ad hoc Committee of the House of Representatives probing the matter to be interrogated and directly answer questions?” Bryan said.

He invoked the legal principle nemo judex in causa sua—that no person should be a judge in his own cause—in arguing that the investigation should be conducted independently and transparently.

Bryan said anything short of an open and impartial investigation would fail to satisfy public expectations.

He also criticised the ICPC’s handling of the matter and called for independent professional bodies to be considered if the Federal Government was genuinely interested in establishing the facts.

“If President Tinubu is determined to unravel the truth, independent organisations or bodies like the NBA, West African Bar Association or international or private investigators should be allowed to come in and take over the investigation,” Bryan said.

He accused federal security and anti-corruption agencies of lacking sufficient independence to investigate the controversy objectively, a claim the agencies have not accepted.

The House committee’s inquiry follows mounting concerns over how Adeyemi allegedly operated the PFIPC, secured government recognition and participated in official engagements despite questions over the organisation’s legal status.

The controversy has also drawn attention to the roles of several government institutions whose officials allegedly interacted with Adeyemi or processed documents connected to the council.

The committee is expected to hear directly from Adeyemi as it seeks to establish how the PFIPC was created, how it operated, who recognised it and whether public funds were allocated or expended in connection with its activities.

 

 

His appearance before the committee could therefore prove significant in determining whether the alleged scheme was the work of an individual or involved officials and institutions within government.

Adeyemi demands media

Adeyemi, through his lawyer, Ademola Oyedokun, had on Wednesday rejected the House committee’s decision to question him at an undisclosed location while he remains in police custody.

The committee subsequently attempted to question him on Thursday, but Adeyemi declined to respond to its questions, prompting the lawmakers to reschedule the interrogation for Monday.

However, a family source said Adeyemi had informed the committee that he would only submit to questioning if journalists and his legal representatives were allowed to be present.

“They eventually rescheduled to Monday and my brother told them that when they are coming, they should come with the media, otherwise he will not grant them audience.

“Initially, they agreed to come with the media, but later they said they would not be coming with any media. They said if he refuses to grant them audience, they will go ahead and conclude their investigation and it will be said that he was the one who failed to grant them audience,” the source said.

The development came a day after Adeyemi’s family raised concerns over an attempt by members of the House committee to question him in police custody without his lawyers present.

Adeyemi’s brother, Peter, alleged that the detained promoter declined to answer questions because his legal representatives were absent.

“The Reps committee came and wanted to interrogate him, but he refused. They are still there trying to make him talk without any of his lawyers being present. We are crying out loud so that the right thing would be done.

“He has stated that he wants to be quizzed the same way others who have accused him have spoken. It’s not that he is not willing to state his side of the story,” he said.

When contacted on whether the police were aware of the committee’s proposed visit and whether the lawmakers would be granted access to Adeyemi, the police spokesperson, Ani Ineidu, said visitors would be allowed provided they met the necessary requirements.

“Yes, if they have necessary documents. I’m not aware if they have relevant documents or authorisation, but if they fulfil the conditions, everybody who is under police custody has a right to visitors.

“So, in a case like this, if they have that right, they will be granted access,” Ineidu said.

In a statement issued on Wednesday, Oyedokun said his client welcomed the House investigation into the alleged establishment and operations of the PFIPC but opposed what he described as a closed-door interrogation.

“We have read that the committee intends to interview our client at an undisclosed date and place. We ask it, respectfully, to think again.

“Everyone else in this matter has been heard in public, and what has been said about our client was said in public. He should be allowed to answer in the same place it was said,” the lawyer stated.

The committee had on Tuesday announced that it would question Adeyemi at an undisclosed location while he remains in police custody.

The Chairman of the committee, Yusuf Gagdi, said the arrangement was necessary to avoid interfering with ongoing investigations by the Nigeria Police Force, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission.

Gagdi said the committee had invited Adeyemi but was informed by the police that he remained in custody pursuant to a court order.

He added that the National Assembly would not act in a manner that undermined the judiciary or violated the principle of separation of powers, stressing that lawmakers lacked the authority to override an existing court order directing Adeyemi’s detention.

 

 

The committee is investigating allegations surrounding the creation and operations of the PFIPC, including claims of impersonation, forgery, financial impropriety and the unlawful use of government facilities and official insignia.

Source: punchng.com

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PHOTOS: Osun-Osogbo: Priestess defends 10-year-old Arugba, dismisses child abuse claims

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The Araba of Osogbo, Ifáyemí Elébuibón, has defended the tradition of selecting a young maiden as the Arugba of the Osun-Osogbo Festival, describing the role as a privilege rather than child abuse.

This is as a priestess and custodian of Osun Osogbo also defended the practice, saying the Arugba was selected through Ifa divination from the royal lineage.


Osun-Osogbo: Priestess

Elébuibón spoke in a video interview posted on Sunday by Yoruba cultural content creator, Wàá Ṣeré, amid discussions surrounding the age and responsibilities of the 10-year-old Arugba, Princess Alimot Osunbunmi.

Arugba is the young maiden chosen to carry the sacred calabash during the annual Osun-Osogbo Festival procession to the Osun Sacred Grove.

Alimot, a member of the royal family of the Ataoja of Osogbo, was selected through traditional Ifa divination in March 2025.

She carried the sacred calabash for the first time during this year’s procession to the Osun Sacred Grove on Friday, after she was unable to do so during the 2025 festival because of her young age.


10-year-old Arugba of the Osun-Osogbo Festival, Princess Alimot Osunbunmi carries the sacred calabash at Osun Osogbo festival…Photo Credit: Dewunmi Lagos

Explaining the role and its benefit, Elébuibón said the Arugba served as a spiritual intermediary between the Osun deity and the people.

He added that the responsibility was not determined by biological age.

“You see those people saying all that? They lack understanding. They don’t know. Whoever says the Arugba is too young—this one is ten years old, but some started at five!

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“The role the Arugba plays is a role of spiritual maturity, not about physical age. What the Arugba does for the town and the community is what the white man calls a ‘medium’—an intermediary between the Orisa and the people,” he said.

Elébuibón said the young maiden could communicate the wishes of the deity to the people because of the spiritual significance attached to the position.

“As young as she is, provided she remains pure and undefiled by any man, she can wake up one morning and say, ‘Mother Osun said this and that, do this, do that, don’t do this.’”

He added that the Arugba’s spiritual development was not necessarily tied to her physical age.

“Very soon, she will mature spiritually far beyond her biological age because the Orisa themselves nourish and care for them. Her role is not about age; what she does is not about age.”


FILE: Ifayemi Elebuibon

A female priestess and culture custodian, in another video posted by culture content creator Olamide Oseyifunmii, also defended the practice, saying the Arugba was selected through Ifa divination from the royal lineage.

According to her, the chosen maiden must be a virgin and is expected to observe certain taboos associated with the role.

“Whomever Ifa chooses becomes the Arugba. The Arugba must be a girl who remains untouched, pure, and a virgin. That is strictly what the Arugba must be,” she said.

She rejected the description of the practice as child abuse, saying the young girls selected for the role were traditionally protected and treated with care.

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“Being selected as the Arugba carries taboos and honours; it is not what Westerners label as ‘child abuse’.”

The priestess said the Arugba was not expected to carry heavy loads apart from the sacred calabash during the annual procession.

She also explained the spiritual significance attached to the young maiden, saying devotees who bow before the Arugba were not worshipping the child but honouring the Osun deity believed to be represented through her.

“They were bowing to the divine spirit of Osun Ewuji inside her and upon her head,” she said.

The 2026 Osun-Osogbo Festival, which began on August 7, is being held at the Osun Sacred Grove in Osogbo, Osun State, and will run until August 19.

The annual festival, centred on the Osun deity, is one of Nigeria’s major traditional and cultural festivals and attracts worshippers, tourists and cultural enthusiasts from Nigeria and beyond.

Source: punchng.com

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