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Bloody ballot: Inside deadly battles for SUG leadership in varsities

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In Nigeria’s tertiary institutions, where intellectual discourse and democratic grooming should flourish, Students’ Union Government elections have become war zones. Once envisioned as leadership training grounds, SUGs are now tainted with a chilling trend: killings, kidnappings, shootings, arson, cult-linked reprisals, and voter intimidation.

“It was like war. There were gunshots everywhere. I thought I was going to die,” said Mirabel, a 300-level student in the School of Management Science at Auchi Polytechnic.

What should have been a routine exercise in student democracy descended into chaos on Saturday (July 5, 2025), as the Students’ Union Government election at Auchi Polytechnic, Edo State, spiralled into bloody mayhem.

By sundown, the air was thick with tear gas, rumour, and fear. Several students were reported injured.

Mirabel, her voice trembling, continued, “I was on the field that day when it happened. I was walking back home. I had just finished studying because it was a lecture-free day, when I heard gunshots.

“I didn’t wait to find out what was going on. I ran straight outside the school gate and headed home to Benin. I live off campus, so it was easy for me to pack and disappear.”

What followed was a night of terror that gripped not only the campus community but also the nation.

A disturbing video seen by Saturday PUNCH showed dozens of students scaling the institution’s perimeter fence in a frantic bid to escape, while loud bursts of gunfire echoed in the background.

Smoke drifted through the air near the voting venue, lending credence to suspicions that tear gas had been deployed.

Multiple sources who spoke to our correspondent reported seeing boys with sticks and other weapons storming the voting area on that day, intensifying the panic.

The violence, according to them, was triggered by desperation. Supporters of a candidate known on campus as only ‘Voice’, believed to be from the Akpekpe area of Auchi, allegedly became violent when it became clear their candidate was losing.

“The election was peaceful at first,” said Adaeze, a fellow student in the School of Sciences. “But when it became obvious that Voice was trailing another candidate named ‘Verify’, his main opponent, tension started rising.

“Verify had massive support across departments. That didn’t sit well with Voice and his camp.”

What began as murmurs of discontent quickly degenerated into anarchy. According to Adaeze, loyalists of Voice allegedly began raising alarms and calling in reinforcements. “Armed youths stormed the venue.

“They snatched ballot boxes, and I heard gunshots. What I cannot confirm to you is if it was from the boys or from the armed security men who were around the area.  In a split second, things degenerated. It became a full-blown stampede. Students were screaming and running in all directions. I escaped by the whiskers,” she said.

Multiple reports from student eyewitnesses had suggested that at least two students may have lost their lives during the incident, though school authorities have so far denied any fatalities.

Social media was awash with videos showing bloodstains on the ground, terrified students weeping, and what appeared to be lifeless bodies being carried away.

The emotional trauma of the night still lingers. Several days after the incident, the campus remains tense.

Many students have reportedly fled, fearing further violence or reprisals.

“There were bodies on the ground,” said a student who requested anonymity. “I saw boys lying motionless after the tear gas. Others were bleeding. It was terrible. I’ve never seen anything like that in my life.”

The Edo State Police Command’s Public Relations Officer, Moses Yamu, when contacted on the day of the attack, said he had not received any formal report on the matter. Meanwhile, the school’s official stance has only deepened the controversy.

“For the avoidance of doubt, no student was shot or killed during the election, which was declared inconclusive due to observed irregularities,” said Dr Angela Egele, Director of the Polytechnic’s Public Relations Division. She added that many of the videos circulating on social media were “doctored”, though she admitted that security operatives were deployed on the day of the election to “ensure the safety of lives and property.”

But eyewitness videos, some verified by Saturday PUNCH, show uniformed men firing sporadically into the air and aiming tear gas at students, who were seen fleeing for cover.

The events at Auchi are not isolated. Across Nigerian universities and polytechnics, the spectre of violence increasingly shadows SUG elections.

What was once viewed as a training ground for future leaders is rapidly turning into a battlefield. Observers say Nigeria’s toxic political culture, marked by desperation, vote-buying, ballot snatching, and brute force, is trickling down into campuses.

“These boys are simply mimicking the behaviour of our politicians: thuggery, ballot snatching, and the use of violence to win elections,” said a Benin-based political analyst, Kelvin Omodamwen. “It’s not just sad. It’s a national emergency.”

On social media, outrage was swift. “This shows how backward Nigeria is in terms of politics. If students can’t conduct a peaceful SUG election, how do we expect them to lead this country tomorrow?” wrote @Candour_Lemuel on X (formerly Twitter).

What really went wrong?

Several students and faculty insiders believe the problem is layered. Beyond the influence of local politics, cult groups, and ethnic loyalties, there’s also a failure of institutional control and student political education.

“SUG elections have become a dirty scramble for power,” said a senior academic staff member who asked not to be named. “These elections are supposed to be about representation and responsibility, but they’ve become a breeding ground for gang recruitment and underground influence.”

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Some say the school management’s insistence on denial is itself a problem. “If we can’t be honest about what happened,” a final-year student said, “how are we supposed to fix it?”

There is growing sentiment that student leadership structures must be urgently reformed. Comparisons have been drawn with more peaceful student elections in universities like the University of Ilorin, where campus politics is tightly regulated, and candidates are subject to a rigorous code of conduct.

“Just a 10-month tenure election and there is this much violence?” asked another student from the University of Lagos. “It’s heartbreaking. I cannot believe this. It’s pure madness.”

As it stands, no arrests have been confirmed. The management has promised to investigate, but many students remain sceptical. For them, the trust in the system, academic or political, has already been broken.

Clash after the crown

The University of Ibadan was thrown into confusion this earlier week after what began as a post-election celebration spiralled into violence, leaving at least one student seriously injured and others hospitalised.

This was five months before the Auchi incident.

The fracas, which took place between two of the university’s most prominent male hostels, Independence Hall (commonly known as Indy) and Zik Hall, has cast a shadow over an electoral season that had otherwise proceeded with little disruption.

Eyewitnesses told Saturday PUNCH that the unrest broke out when supporters from Indy Hall staged a victory procession towards Zik Hall in the aftermath of the SUG election. What was meant to be a moment of jubilation quickly turned chaotic, descending into a physical altercation that left a 500-level student badly injured.

Though details remain murky, Students’ Union President, Aweda Bolaji, confirmed the incident in a brief status update via WhatsApp, noting that three students were rushed to the university’s Jaja Clinic for emergency care.

One of them, he added, was undergoing an X-ray to determine the severity of his injuries.

The university community has responded with shock and growing concern. Students, many of whom had hoped for a smooth transition of leadership, now find themselves grappling with the implications of violence, an occurrence that is becoming increasingly common on Nigerian campuses, even in historically calm institutions like UI.

“This is not just about rivalry between halls,” said Olawanle, a student in the Faculty of Arts. “It speaks to the lack of emotional maturity and political tolerance among some of us. We must do better.”

The Media Foundation for West Africa documented multiple incidents of campus journalists being harassed, threatened, and physically assaulted during and after the SUG election.

The escalation peaked on March 7, 2025, when Olanshile Ogunrinu and Oluwasegun Akanni, both Union of Campus Journalists members, were manhandled, had their phones seized, and were physically threatened while covering the forceful removal of a duly elected SRC candidate, Nice Linus, due to prior disciplinary allegations. This intervention by security personnel reflects a pattern of shrinking press freedom at UI.

For a university long regarded as a bastion of intellectual civility, the episode has triggered introspection.

As investigations continue, the university community remains tense, hoping that calm will prevail and that the injured student will recover fully. Meanwhile, the incident stands as a troubling reminder that even in the most elite academic environments, political passion can still boil over into needless violence.

UNIABUJA halts SUG polls over violence

In September 2018, the University of Abuja made a grave decision, one that underscored the intensifying crisis within student politics in Nigerian universities.

The management, citing a surge in campus violence, announced an indefinite suspension of the SUG elections.

The Dean of Student Affairs, Alanana Otaki, signed the official notice, which made it clear: students’ safety was now under threat.

At the core of this suspension was a deadly altercation that erupted in the Old FCDA boys’ hostel on the university’s mini campus in Gwagwalada.

The fallout was tragic; reports confirmed the killing of a 200-level student of Sociology, allegedly linked to election-related tensions.

Although the university attributed the decision to “security challenges within the university and its environs,” students were under no illusion as to what the real issue was. According to Kazeem Ahmad, a student who spoke with Premium Times, “If the election is not suspended, the school may be shut down.”

Another student, who requested anonymity for fear of retaliation, confirmed that the electoral process had become a proxy battleground for cult clashes. As he put it, “The election led to rivalry between cult groups.”

The president of the student union at the time, Bashir Obasanjo, refrained from confirming details, but did urge the administration to provide “adequate security.”

The university advised students to turn their attention to the upcoming second-semester examinations and to report any suspicious activity.

But beneath that calm directive lay a troubled truth: the hallowed idea of student democracy had again been hijacked by violent interests, leaving trails of blood and shattered futures in its wake.

Stray bullets, stolen votes in UNICAL

In August 2018, the University of Calabar’s campus descended into chaos during its SUG elections, leaving three students hospitalised with gunshot wounds, an outcome few had imagined when the polls were announced.

According to eyewitnesses, the day had started with the usual buzz and anticipation. Four candidates—Emmanuel Akobi, Ajang Emmanuel, Ilefa Austin, and Afo Nelson— were on the ballot. But by late afternoon, that buzz had turned to bedlam.

The election, which began with hopeful chants and ballot queues, veered sharply off-course when students discovered that their names were inexplicably missing from the voters’ register. Those disenfranchised were asked to “stand aside,” according to Ekere Sylvanus, a 300-level Political Science student who had volunteered as an observer.

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Over 300 students were caught in this limbo, unsure whether they would be allowed to cast their votes. By 3 p.m., the electoral officer, acting on the then-Vice-Chancellor’s directive, announced that the polls closed. Chaos erupted.

Angry chants gave way to shoving. The crowd surged. Amidst the fray, a campus security officer, in an apparent effort to contain the unrest, discharged their weapon. Stray bullets struck three students.

Videos and witness accounts from that day painted a grim picture: bleeding bodies, screams of confusion, and a haunting sense that things had spiralled beyond the remit of student politics.

No statement from the university could erase the memory of that day. The polls were eventually declared inconclusive.

For many, the incident laid bare the deep fractures within student democracy, how easily administrative disorganisation, electoral frustration, and security force missteps could escalate into something far more sinister.

Legacy of tension in campus politics

Student union politics in Nigeria have long been entwined with national political fault lines. In 1978, the Ali Must Go protests, a student-led uprising against fee hikes, spiralled into police violence and fatalities, underlining universities as flashpoints of national dissent.

Similar outbreaks of violence marked the 1989 Anti SAP riots, revealing how student activism could cleave institutions and society alike.

By the late 1990s, university cults had morphed into organised criminal networks.

A tragic instance occurred at Obafemi Awolowo University in 1999, when masked members of the Black Axe confraternity stormed student dorms, killing five and injuring eleven with axes and shotguns.

Across state-run institutions, over 150 students were reported slain in five years due to cult-related violence, targeting dissenters, academic dissent, or extortion refusal.

When SUG elections turn bloody

In recent years, elections meant to nurture student leadership have devolved into spectacles of disorder.

From LAUTECH, where technological voting systems failed to prevent violence, to the Federal University Oye Ekiti June 2025 debacle, where students protested the online-voting system, claiming many were disenfranchised when One-Time Passwords failed to arrive.

This fuelled allegations of manipulation and calls for a rerun of elections.

At its core, SUG election violence reflects deeper crises: unchecked cult influence, fragile institutional management, political interference, and the normalisation of violence in symbolic democracies. Analysts warn that peer-to-peer violence during student politics mirrors broader national political cultures: thuggery, impunity, and weaponised mobilisation.

An educationist and activist, Mercy Yohan-Davidson, links violence to a bevvy of issues.

First, for her, is the cultural commercialisation of student leadership, where union candidacy is linked to control of campus contracts and corporate funding.

She also noted that there was a level of administrative complicity, where management uses infrastructure or intimidation to influence outcomes.

She also noted that many schools had weak electoral institutions, with poorly regulated ICT systems, a lack of oversight, and inadequate civic education.

She said, “We also have the twin issues of social and tribal fault lines, particularly evident in ethnic confrontations, as seen at COE Akwanga in Nasarawa State, where tribal tensions disrupted voting.

“In several campuses, elections proceeded without police or external observers, leading to knife attacks or mob invasions.”

UNIUYO election cancelled amid cult clashes, casualties

The University of Uyo in 2018 cancelled its SUG election after violent clashes, involving suspected cultists, reportedly led to one student’s death and several injuries. Vice Chancellor Professor Enefiok Essien ordered the cancellation following unrest on both the Town and Annexe campuses, where urban rivalries and electoral outrage turned deadly.

Authorities initially halted voting at the Faculty of Social Sciences due to “irregularities and electoral malpractice” declared by the then-Dean of Student Affairs, Dr Aniekan Brown.

Effiong Akpan, of the Faculty of Arts, described how supporters of a leading candidate, alarmed by their candidate’s perceived loss, allegedly mobilised hoodlums to disrupt adjacent faculty polling units.

Ballot boxes were snatched and destroyed across Education, Business Administration, Agriculture, and Basic Medical Sciences. Gunshots were reported, and 10 students were left seriously wounded. Fear and chaos circulated rapidly across campus.

Despite formal denial from some quarters, independent sources confirm the VC annulled the election in response to the crisis. Students reportedly responded to the violence by pelting the aggressors with stones, even as protests grew inside the affected faculties.

Bauchi college election that locked down campus

In May 2017, a year before the UNIUYO incident, the Kangere College of Education in Bauchi State was abruptly shut down by state authorities following an SUG election that descended into violence.

On the election day, tensions grew during campaigning in Kangere town. This prompted the provost and security agencies to urge postponement, which was ignored.

Election materials were distributed without coordination with security officials or university management.

When student protests escalated into road-blocking and vandalism, soldiers were summoned to intervene. Students began throwing stones, prompting soldiers to fire warning shots.

Reports state that some students sustained injuries; one reportedly suffered eye damage.

The military insisted it acted professionally, while NANS demanded a formal investigation into alleged shootings

‘We’re not thugs’, say student leaders

For decades, NANS has styled itself as the unified voice of students across Nigeria’s tertiary institutions.

Yet, its legacy has been tested time and again, especially during elections, when ideology often gives way to brawn. But over the years, it has also been the institution that has taken the moral high ground when things spiralled out of control.

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In 2018, for instance, after the management of LAUTECH suspended and expelled 12 students, including the SUG Senate President, for their roles in violent post-election demonstrations, NANS took to the streets.

Members locked the university gate, carrying placards and chanting songs of protest. Their message was clear: students were being victimised for demanding transparency and fairness.

“We are not hoodlums,” one protest leader told reporters. “We want justice, not just for LAUTECH students but for student democracy in Nigeria.”

Speaking on the wave of violence in SUG elections, NANS has continually stressed that students must not engage in any kind of election violence.

A former NANS Vice-President (External Affairs) and Senate President, Mr Akinteye Afeez, said students must not behave like thugs.

“If there are grievances, you can approach the authorities of NANS. Write also to the school authorities. Carrying weapons and fighting each other over something as transient as student elections is not what any right-thinking student should do,” he stressed.

Also condemning the wave of violence across Nigerian campuses, the acting SUG President of the Michael Okpara University of Education, Umudike, Ms Finest Egbe, said she was shocked that students would resort to violence.

“In MOUAU, if you are caught in any form of electioneering violence, you will be rusticated or even expelled. No student should truncate a free and fair democratic process,” she said.

The student leader also advised fellow students to emulate good conduct and set a better example for the outside world to emulate.

“This is an academic environment housing scholars, and there are things we should not be hearing. If you contest an election and you lose, you join hands and build the other person’s administration.

“I was appointed acting President. I was VP. Tomorrow, I will graduate and leave campus. Another person will assume the position. That’s how politics works. It’s not a do-or-die affair. Moreover, students are on campus to pass exams and gain a good grade, not battle for elected office and fight each other when they don’t get there,” she stressed.

Another former Vice President of NANS, Vanessa Otulu, of the University of Benin, condemned the wave of attacks in UI and Auchi Polytechnic, calling for calm.

She described the incidents as a ‘calculated attempt to sabotage student representation’ and demanded that security agencies investigate and prosecute those responsible.

Convention chaos in NANS

Fast forward to 2023, and the theatre of election chaos shifted to Abuja, where the NANS National Convention was marred by violence.

Gunshots rang out at the election venue. Reports alleged that DSS operatives had to intervene, firing warning shots to disperse rampaging youths and restore calm. Student leaders present condemned the bloodletting, insisting that cultists and political proxies had infiltrated their ranks.

One former SUG president, who witnessed the chaos, later wrote in an opinion piece: “The convention was supposed to be a celebration of student intellect and engagement. Instead, it became a marketplace of threats, moneybags, and machetes. We must reclaim our voice from this madness.”

Dons proffer solutions

To understand the urgency behind these calls for change, one must consider the darker undercurrents of campus politics, said a professor of English and Dean, Faculty of Arts, UNIUYO, Akwa Ibom, Joe Ushie.

“In many institutions, SUG elections have long been dominated by shadowy networks, oftentimes fuelled by external political actors or cult groups who see student leadership as a stepping stone to bigger power games. The lines between activism, ambition and anarchy become blurred.

“It’s not just about who becomes president. It’s about who controls budgets, appointments, and influence with state officials. Some people, I am afraid, may be killed for that.

“This toxic ecosystem has forced many genuine student leaders to step back or speak out, risking academic sanctions or even their lives in the process.”

Ushie noted that SUG elections were more than symbolic rituals of leadership.

“For many students, they are training grounds for civic engagement, political literacy, and nation-building. When they are hijacked by violence and fear, democracy itself is devalued.

“The voices of those who speak up matter. In the wreckage of burned offices and abandoned ballot boxes, their courage offers a different narrative, one not of thuggery but of tenacity. Not of chaos, but of conscience.

“We cannot change Nigeria tomorrow if we allow blood to flow today. We either choose ballots or bullets, but not both.”

A senior lecturer in the Department of Political Science, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Enugu State, Dr Ugwueze Ikechukwu, said these unfolding events demand urgent institutional reflection and action.

“They are symptomatic of the drift of political violence into formative civic spaces like higher education. Robust electoral frameworks, independent oversight, heightened security coordination, and a commitment to democratic norms are no longer optional. These are the essentials to stop the rot and protect campuses as sites of leadership rather than conflict.

“These incidents underscore a deeper trend: Nigerian student elections becoming microcosms of national political violence. These tactics that we see at national campaigns: ballot-box snatching, mass intimidation, mobilised youth thuggery, are now commonplace in university campuses.

“These students are simply mimicking the behaviour of our politicians. It’s not just sad; it’s a national emergency,” he added.

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Education

SEE FULL LIST: Top 10 affordable countries for international students

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Pursuing higher education abroad can be expensive, but several countries offer international students relatively affordable tuition fees and living costs.

Popular options include Malaysia, Poland, Hungary and Italy, where students can access a range of academic programmes at different price points.

For Nigerian students planning to study overseas, comparing tuition, accommodation, visa requirements and scholarship opportunities is essential before choosing a destination.

The top 10 countries unveiled as reported by Microsoft’s online news platform, MSN on Thursday

1. Malaysia

Malaysia is an attractive destination for students seeking affordable tuition and lower living expenses. Annual tuition fees can range from $4,000 to $12,000, while monthly living costs may fall between $330 and $660. English-taught programmes are available in fields such as business, finance and engineering.

2. Poland

Poland offers a range of English-taught degree programmes at relatively affordable rates. Annual tuition can range from $4,500 to $12,000, while monthly living expenses are estimated at $600 to $930. Some programmes taught in Polish may be tuition-free for eligible students.

3. Hungary

Hungary combines affordable university education with a growing selection of English-taught programmes. Tuition fees can range from $5,000 to $12,000 annually, while monthly living costs may fall between $500 and $1,000. Eligible international students can also explore government-funded scholarships.

4. Italy

Italy offers relatively affordable public university programmes, with tuition fees varying according to the institution, course and available exemptions. English-taught master’s programmes are available in business, engineering and other fields. Students should also investigate regional scholarships and financial assistance.

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5. Portugal

Portugal attracts international students with its moderate living expenses and expanding selection of English-taught postgraduate programmes. Tuition can range from $3,500 to $10,000 annually, while monthly living expenses may cost between $600 and $900. Portuguese proficiency remains important for many undergraduate programmes.

6. France

France offers subsidised public higher education, although international students may pay differentiated tuition fees depending on their programme and eligibility for exemptions. Monthly living costs can range from $850 to $1,600, with Paris generally more expensive than regional cities. Scholarships can help reduce the overall cost.

7. Czech Republic

The Czech Republic offers tuition-free public university programmes taught in Czech, subject to applicable conditions. English-taught programmes generally charge tuition fees, which can range from $4,500 to $11,000 annually. Monthly living expenses are estimated at $600 to $900.

8. Spain

Spain provides international students with a variety of academic programmes, including courses taught in English. Annual tuition can range from $8,000 to $13,500, while monthly living costs may fall between $900 and $1,100. Students may find more affordable accommodation outside major cities such as Madrid and Barcelona.

9. Mexico

Mexico offers academic opportunities at public and private universities, with costs varying considerably between institutions. Private university tuition can range from $6,000 to $12,000 annually, while monthly living expenses may range from $600 to $1,200. Spanish proficiency is important for many programmes, particularly at public institutions.

10. Norway

Norway is known for its high academic standards, but it is no longer a generally tuition-free destination for students from outside the European Union and European Economic Area. Tuition fees for these students can be substantial, and living expenses are also high. Applicants should confirm the fees charged by their chosen institution before applying.

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Tuition & Living Costs by Country

What students should know before applying

The cost of studying abroad depends on more than tuition fees. Students should budget for accommodation, food, transportation, health insurance, visa applications, and flights.

They should also check the language of instruction, scholarship availability, work restrictions and post-study opportunities before choosing a destination.

For Nigerian applicants, comparing the total cost in naira and preparing for exchange-rate changes can help avoid financial difficulties during the admission process.

Source: punchng.com

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States hold N264bn UBEC funds as schools struggle, read details

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State governments across Nigeria have left N264.12bn in Universal Basic Education Commission (UBEC) matching grants unspent, even as public schools grapple with dilapidated classrooms, overcrowding and shortages of learning materials, raising concerns about the utilisation of funds meant to improve basic education.

The 2025 UBEC Annual Report, exclusively obtained by The PUNCH, showed that the funds had been disbursed to State Universal Basic Education Boards but remained unexpended in state government accounts as of July 21, 2025, when the commission conducted financial monitoring visits across the states and the Federal Capital Territory.

Benue State recorded the highest unspent balance of N19.18bn, followed by Imo with N14.12bn, Osun with N14.02bn, Kwara with N13.99bn and Delta with N13.40bn. The five states accounted for N74.72bn, representing about 28.3 per cent of the total.

The findings come amid persistent challenges in the public education system, with pupils in some communities learning in dilapidated buildings, overcrowded classrooms and makeshift structures. In Benue and Kwara, for instance, residents and education stakeholders described deteriorating school facilities and stalled or inadequate interventions, highlighting the gap between funds reported as unspent and the urgent needs of public schools.

Human rights lawyer, Femi Falana, SAN, criticised the failure to utilise funds intended for basic education, accusing governors of neglecting poor children. He also urged state governments to deploy released intervention funds and fulfil the requirements for accessing counterpart grants.

Falana, who cited a Federal High Court judgment on the obligation of governments to provide free, compulsory and universal basic education, called for greater accountability in the management of education funds and measures to ensure that children have access to schooling.

The unspent balances span different administrations, including outgoing and incumbent governors. However, the report does not break down how much each administration received, inherited or failed to utilise.

According to the report, the funds had been disbursed to State Universal Basic Education Boards but remained unspent in state accounts at the time of UBEC’s financial monitoring visits.

Benue tops list

Benue recorded the highest unutilised balance, at N19.18bn, followed by Imo with N14.12bn and Osun with N14.02bn.

Kwara had N13.99bn, while Delta recorded N13.40bn. Other states with substantial unspent balances were Borno, with N13.20bn; Anambra, N12.67bn; and Kano, N12.15bn.

Adamawa recorded N11.38bn, while Gombe had N11.09bn. In all, 10 states had more than N11bn each in unutilised matching grants.

In the North-Central, apart from Benue and Kwara, Kogi recorded N7.60bn, Plateau N6.98bn, Nasarawa N6.75bn and Niger N3.62bn. The Federal Capital Territory had N5.67bn.

In the South-East, Imo and Anambra recorded N14.12bn and N12.67bn, respectively. Abia had N8.64bn, Enugu N5.03bn and Ebonyi N2.81bn.

In the South-West, Osun led with N14.02bn, followed by Ekiti with N8.40bn. Ogun recorded N5.26bn, Oyo N5.09bn, Ondo N3.48bn and Lagos N1.85bn.

In the South-South, Delta recorded N13.40bn, followed by Akwa Ibom with N8.09bn. Edo had N2.48bn, Cross River N2.47bn, Bayelsa N1.60bn and Rivers N329.28m.

In the North-East, Borno recorded N13.20bn, Adamawa N11.38bn and Gombe N11.09bn. Yobe had N4.37bn, while Taraba recorded N168.48m.

In the North-West, Kano had N12.15bn, Jigawa N7.92bn, Kebbi N7.21bn, Kaduna N7.09bn and Zamfara N7.03bn. Katsina recorded N6.15bn, while Sokoto had N1.96bn.

Bauchi recorded N825.99m, making it one of only three states with unutilised balances below N1bn, alongside Rivers and Taraba.

The state-by-state figures underscore the scale of unspent education funding across the federation. However, the report does not establish why the individual states failed to utilise the funds or whether the balances have changed since the monitoring visits.

Funds remain unspent

The unutilised grants come amid persistent challenges in Nigeria’s basic education sector, including dilapidated classrooms, overcrowding, shortages of learning materials and unequal access to quality schooling.

The Federal Ministry of Education’s Nigeria Education Statistics 2024 portal put the national learner-to-classroom ratio at 60.1, above the benchmark of 35 learners per classroom. Some states recorded significantly higher ratios, although the dataset has limitations because not all schools submitted information.

The figures highlight the need for greater investment in school infrastructure and learning facilities. However, the unspent balances alone do not establish how many classrooms could have been built or rehabilitated with the funds.

Depending on approved action plans and state-specific needs, the grants can support classroom construction and renovation, the provision of desks and instructional materials, sanitation facilities and teacher development.

Determining the number of projects that could have been delivered would, however, require details of approved budgets, procurement costs, project specifications and expenditure categories.

The central concern is that funds intended to improve basic education had been disbursed but remained unspent at the time of UBEC’s monitoring visits.

How grants work

The Universal Basic Education Commission administers federal intervention funds to support the delivery of basic education across Nigeria.

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Under the matching grant arrangement, state governments are generally required to provide counterpart funding equivalent to 50 per cent of the relevant project cost and submit approved action plans before accessing the federal contribution.

The scheme is designed to ensure that states share responsibility for financing basic education rather than relying solely on federal intervention.

The grants support approved projects aimed at improving access to and the quality of primary and junior secondary education, including school infrastructure, learning facilities and other basic education interventions.

However, the balances in the UBEC report relate to funds that had already been disbursed but remained unspent. They are distinct from grants that states could not access because they failed to provide the required counterpart funding.

The distinction raises questions about project planning, procurement, contract execution, financial oversight and the capacity of state education agencies to implement approved programmes within reasonable timelines.

Administrations face accountability

The unspent balances also raise questions about continuity and accountability in the management of public education funds during changes in political leadership.

Because the figures span different periods, responsibility cannot automatically be assigned solely to the governors in office when UBEC conducted its monitoring visits.

Outgoing administrations may have left unspent balances for their successors, while incumbent governments may have inherited funds without completing the projects for which they were earmarked.

Establishing responsibility would require details of when each tranche was released, which administration received or inherited it, the projects approved, expenditure incurred, implementation deadlines and outstanding balances at the end of each administration.

State governments and SUBEBs should also explain whether contracts were awarded, contractors mobilised to project sites, projects completed but not fully accounted for, or funds subsequently returned or reallocated under the applicable rules.

The figures do not, on their own, establish that the money was stolen or diverted. They show that the funds had not been expended and remained in state accounts at the time of UBEC’s monitoring visits.

Nevertheless, prolonged non-utilisation of earmarked funds warrants scrutiny, given that children’s access to adequate schooling depends partly on the timely implementation of public education programmes.

UBEC raises concerns

UBEC has previously expressed concern about the management of intervention funds at the state level.

In July 2025, the commission’s Executive Secretary, Dr Aisha Garba, reportedly identified several challenges, including slow utilisation of matching grants, non-compliance with fund utilisation guidelines, alleged diversion of funds, failure to deduct and remit taxes, breaches of due process in contract awards and failure to adhere to approved action plans.

The concerns were raised during a financial management training programme for SUBEB directors of finance and accounts, internal auditors and matching grant desk officers from the states and the Federal Capital Territory.

The commission’s concerns underscore the difference between releasing funds and ensuring that they deliver the intended benefits.

While training officials in financial management and procurement procedures may help address capacity gaps, it cannot, on its own, guarantee timely project delivery or measurable improvements in schools.

The N264.12bn in unspent grants therefore raises questions about whether stronger monitoring, clear implementation deadlines and more effective accountability measures are needed to ensure that the funds are used for their intended purpose.

Dilapidated Benue schools

Despite the N19.18bn in unutilised Universal Basic Education Commission matching grants reported in Benue State, stakeholders have expressed concern over the deteriorating condition of public primary schools across the state.

A political office holder, who spoke on condition of anonymity, questioned why the state government had not deployed the funds to rehabilitate schools, particularly those damaged by years of attacks by suspected herders.

“Benue State has suffered a lot from Fulani herdsmen attacks, and several schools were destroyed in the process. My concern is, if the state government has this amount of money, why is it difficult to channel it towards renovating or rebuilding our schools?” he said.

However, a local government chairman from the Benue North-East Senatorial District, who also requested anonymity, disputed the suggestion that the reported balance indicated wrongdoing. He claimed that the funds were part of a World Bank-assisted education programme and said their utilisation was awaiting the provision of templates for approved projects.

“It’s not an issue of corruption. The fund is a World Bank-assisted programme, and it is not peculiar to Benue alone. The World Bank is yet to release the funds because it is waiting for templates upon which the money is going to be spent,” he said.

The council chairman added that he had heard that the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission was investigating the matter.

“Though, we heard that the EFCC is investigating the issue,” he told our correspondent in a telephone interview on Wednesday.

Other local government chairmen, who spoke on condition of anonymity, also attributed the poor state of some public schools to years of attacks on communities, saying several school buildings had been destroyed and required reconstruction or renovation.

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“You know that the state has been under the grip of Fulani herdsmen attacks for years. Most of the schools in the affected communities were destroyed and needed either total reconstruction or renovation,” one of them said.

The poor condition of some schools has also drawn attention from civic groups. An online media organisation recently cited a report by civic technology organisation MonITNG, which accused relevant authorities in Benue of failing to address the dilapidated state of a public school in Ushongo Local Government Area.

According to the report, RCM Primary School in Adikpo, Mayange Mbayan, Ushongo LGA, had been abandoned since 2023. Residents were said to have written several letters to relevant authorities seeking its renovation, but their appeals had yet to yield results.

“Behind these broken walls are innocent children with dreams, ambitions and a future worth fighting for,” MonITNG was quoted as saying.

Pupils of LGA Primary School, Nbegha, in Buruku LGA, have also continued to receive lessons in difficult conditions more than eight years after a windstorm damaged parts of the school building.

Efforts to obtain comments from the state Commissioner for Education, Dr Margaret Adamu, were unsuccessful, as she did not respond to calls. The Executive Secretary of the State Universal Basic Education Board, Dr Grace Adagba, who had earlier asked our correspondent to contact her via WhatsApp, also did not respond to enquiries.

Adeleke unable to access UBEC funds

Osun State Commissioner for Education, Dipo Eluwole, attributed the state’s inability to access fresh UBEC matching grants to its financial difficulties, saying the government could not afford the required counterpart funding.

Speaking with one of our correspondents on Wednesday, Eluwole said monthly allocations due to local government areas in the state had been withheld since February 2025, leaving Governor Ademola Adeleke’s administration to run the government largely on state allocations.

The commissioner said Adeleke had cleared outstanding counterpart-funding obligations covering five years after assuming office in 2022, enabling the state to access grants for those years.

“When Governor Ademola Adeleke assumed office, the last time counterpart funds were paid for Osun State to access UBEC funds was in 2018. On assumption of office, he went to the Universal Basic Education Commission, collected the data and offset the funds for 2019, 2020, 2021, 2022 and 2023. He paid them off,” Eluwole said.

He said the state was now struggling to raise the required counterpart funding, which he put at N3.5bn in the previous year and about N2.7bn in the current year.

“It is when the state pays the counterpart funds that UBEC releases its own matching grant. Since February last year, Osun local government allocations have not been paid,” he said.

Eluwole said the alleged withholding of local government allocations had placed additional financial pressure on the state government, which he said had taken over responsibilities previously funded from local government resources. These include the salaries of primary and junior secondary school teachers, local government workers, pensions and gratuities, health workers’ salaries, medical supplies for government hospitals and the five per cent allocation to traditional rulers.

Explaining the difficulty in raising the counterpart funding, he said the state’s available revenue was being used to meet competing obligations, including debts inherited from the previous administration.

“Counterpart fund for UBEC is supposed to be paid from the local government funds, and the funds have not come. Right from source, from the allocation coming to the state, they will deduct the debt of the previous administration. It is from the balance that the government is using to run its business.

“So, where do you think the governor can get money to pay the counterpart fund? In Osun State, I don’t know of any other state; that is what we are facing here. I am telling you that what we met on ground when we were sworn in, the governor cleared everything,” he said.

The commissioner also cited the financial strain on the state’s School for Persons Living with Disabilities, saying its reopening had been delayed because suppliers were owed for three terms of food and upkeep.

“Do you believe that the School for Persons Living with Disabilities just resumed last week? The money for their feeding and upkeep per term is N46m, and we owe the suppliers for three terms. They refused to supply unless we pay. That is why their resumption was delayed. We can’t put them in the hostel without feeding them. We have just managed to pay for one term now. We begged them to supply the food,” Eluwole said.

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Dilapidated Kwara schools

Dilapidated classrooms, overcrowded learning spaces and stalled renovation projects persist in some public schools across Kwara State, raising questions about the state’s reported N13.99bn in unutilised Universal Basic Education Commission matching grants.

Although the UBEC report does not link the funds to specific schools or projects, the condition of public schools across the state highlights the infrastructure needs facing pupils and raises questions about the extent to which education funding has translated into improved learning facilities.

A March report by The PUNCH documented the deplorable condition of Warah Community Junior Secondary School in Ilorin West Local Government Area, where some classroom ceilings had collapsed, windows were broken, and sections of buildings had peeling paint and deteriorating wooden supports.

Pupils learnt in overcrowded classrooms and makeshift shelters built by community members, with some sitting on bare floors because of inadequate classrooms and furniture.

The school is one example of the wider infrastructure challenges facing public schools in the state.

At Government Day Secondary School, Lafiagi, in Kwara North, photographs obtained by The PUNCH on Wednesday showed dilapidated classrooms in the Universal Basic Education section and a staff room without a ceiling, fan or windows.

Renovation work on the SS2 and SS3 classroom blocks and the examination hall at the school has reportedly remained incomplete since it began in 2025.

The situation has left some senior students without dedicated classrooms, forcing different groups to share available spaces, including science laboratories, for lessons.

A resident of Warah and member of the school’s education committee, Alhaji Isiaka Warah, said the community had repeatedly written to relevant authorities about the school’s condition without receiving the needed intervention.

“I am part of the school’s management committee that meets regularly with the principal. We have written several letters to the appropriate authorities, but there has been no response so far,” he said.

The infrastructure challenges come as the UBEC report ranked Kwara fourth among states with the highest reported unutilised matching grant balances, behind Benue with N19.18bn, Imo with N14.12bn and Osun with N14.02bn. Delta ranked fifth with N13.40bn.

However, the Chairman of the Kwara State Universal Basic Education Board, Raheem Adaramaja, disputed the reported figure when contacted by The PUNCH on Wednesday.

“I don’t know the source. However, it is not true,” he said.

Asked to provide the state’s current balance or records detailing the amount available and its utilisation, Adaramaja said, “We don’t have delay utilisation of funds,” but did not provide an alternative figure or supporting documents.

His response leaves unresolved the discrepancy between the UBEC report and the state board’s position, including how much in grants Kwara has accessed, spent or retained.

In 2022, while responding to a media report, Adaramaja said the state government had inherited more than 2,000 dilapidated school structures and paid N7.1bn in counterpart funding for the 2014–2019 period to access UBEC matching grants.

“The new administration paid a whopping N7.1bn counterpart funds for years 2014, 2015, 2016, 2017, 2018, and 2019 to access the UBEC matching grants for those years,” he said in a statement at the time.

However, the historical account did not explain the N13.99bn balance subsequently reported by UBEC or establish how much of the grants accessed under the earlier arrangement had been spent on completed projects.

Meanwhile, Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq recently announced donations totalling N180m for Islamic education, research and academic development as Az-Zumratul Adabiyyah School of Arabic and Islamic Studies, Ilorin, marked its centenary.

The donations, announced at the institution’s 100th anniversary celebration on October 12, included N50m to Ansarul Islam Society from the governor in his capacity as Sardauna of Ilorin, another N50m on behalf of the AbdulRazaq family, and N50m from the Kwara State Government to Muhammed Kamaldeen University, Ilorin, to support research and educational advancement.

The remaining N30m was earmarked for scholarships for 30 students. The Senior Special Assistant to the Governor on Communications, Ibraheem Abdullateef, provided the breakdown in a Facebook post, quoting the governor as saying the university donation was intended to strengthen research and academic development.

The donations were for Islamic education, university support and scholarships and do not establish the availability or allocation of funds for public basic school infrastructure. However, they come amid questions about the resources available to address the needs of public schools across the state.

The Commissioner for Education and Human Capital Development, Lawal Olohungbebe, promised to respond to enquiries from The PUNCH but had yet to do so as of the time of filing this report. Attempts to reach the governor were also unsuccessful.

Source: punchng.com

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Education

AFRICA WAS TAUGHT TO MEMORIZE, NOT TO THINK!

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One of the greatest tragedies of African education is that we embraced a system that often rewards memorization more than critical thinking.

We were taught to memorize what was written in textbooks, reproduce it in examinations, collect certificates, and move on with our lives. But how many of us were truly encouraged to question what we were taught, challenge outdated ideas, invent new solutions, and think independently?

We can memorize the theories of Western scientists, philosophers, and inventors, yet struggle to create systems that solve our own local problems.

We can graduate thousands of students every year, yet still struggle with electricity, industrial development, technological innovation, and sustainable economic growth.

**WHAT IS THE PURPOSE OF EDUCATION IF IT DOES NOT TEACH US HOW TO THINK?**

Education should not turn human beings into walking libraries filled with other people’s knowledge. It should equip us to question, investigate, create, innovate, and transform our societies.

Africa does not lack intelligent minds. What we desperately need is an educational system that nurtures those minds, encourages curiosity, rewards innovation, and empowers young people to develop solutions to African problems.

The problem is not that we learned from the West. Every civilization can learn from another. The real problem is embracing any educational system without asking whether it is preparing us to think independently and build the future we desire.

**AFRICA DOES NOT JUST NEED MORE GRADUATES. AFRICA NEEDS MORE THINKERS, INVENTORS, PROBLEM-SOLVERS, AND INDEPENDENT MINDS!**

Until our classrooms begin to produce innovators instead of merely examination experts, we must continue to question what we call education.

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**A certificate proves that you completed a course. It does not automatically prove that you have learned how to think.**

**What do you think? Has our educational system taught us to think critically, or has it trained us primarily to memorize and pass examinations?**

#AfricanEducation #CriticalThinking #MentalLiberation #AfricanDevelopment #EducationReform #Innovation #Newsbreak365

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