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Hajiya Gambo Sawaba: The Lioness of Zaria

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In the conservative heart of Northern Nigeria, where purdah (the seclusion of women from public life) confined women to silence and politics was a forbidden arena, one woman roared loudly enough to shake the foundations of power — Hajiya Gambo Sawaba.

She was arrested no fewer than sixteen times, flogged in public, brutalized in jail, stripped naked, and tortured, and yet never silenced. History remembers her as the most jailed female activist in Nigeria’s history.

Born Hajaratu Gambo Sawaba on 15 February 1933 in Tudun Wada, Zaria, she was the daughter of Isa Amartey Amarteifio, a Ghanaian migrant who worked with the Nigerian Railway Corporation, and Fatima Amarteifio, a Nupe woman from Lavun, Niger State. She was the fifth of six children. By Hausa custom, any child born after twins was called “Gambo,” a name she bore for life.

From childhood, she displayed an untamable spirit. Folklore remembers her as a girl who always fought for the underdog. Whenever she saw children fighting, she would step in for the weaker one and declare:

“I have bought this fight from you.” Her clothes were often torn in these scuffles, until her mother, tired of constant repairs, began sewing her dresses from tarpaulin. Even as a child, Gambo revealed what would define her entire life: she was a fighter for the oppressed.

Tragedy struck early. Her father died when she was just 10 years old, and her mother three years later. Orphaned at 13, she was quickly married off to Abubakar Garba Bello, a World War II veteran. At 16, she gave birth to her only child, Bilikisu, but her husband abandoned her soon after, leaving her to raise her daughter largely alone. By 17, however, Gambo was already forging her own path in defiance of the strictures that confined Northern women.

In 1950, when Malam Aminu Kano founded the Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU) as a radical alternative to the conservative Northern People’s Congress (NPC), Gambo became one of its earliest female members. NEPU pushed for education, social justice, and women’s empowerment in sharp contrast to the NPC, which insisted: “We in the North are happy, our women are happy about their condition. We know what is right for women.”

Her fearlessness soon caught Aminu Kano’s attention. He gave her the name “Sawaba”, meaning redemption or freedom. An alternative story claims she earned the name after boldly addressing a rally in Jakara Market, Zaria, before the official male speaker arrived. When the councilman Alhaji Gambo Sawaba finally came, he declared that since she was the first woman to speak at a political rally in the North, she would henceforth be called Gambo Sawabiya. She, however, preferred the male version, “Sawaba,” and it became inseparable from her identity.

Her rise was meteoric. She was soon elected President-General of NEPU’s women’s wing, leading campaigns that shook the North. She went from house to house, speaking directly to women in purdah, addressed crowds in markets, and organized political meetings where no woman had dared to speak before. Her advocacy was fearless, she condemned child marriage, forced and unpaid labour, punitive taxes, and the denial of education and political rights to women.

But this activism came at a heavy price. In 1952, she was arrested in Kano and charged with “drawing women out of purdah.” She was sentenced to three months in prison, the first of sixteen prison sentences she would endure. She was jailed in Zaria, Kano, Kaduna, and Jos. Sometimes she was stripped naked and flogged several lashes; on other occasions, her hair was shaved off with a broken bottle. She was beaten so severely by thugs that she once lost all her front teeth, which had to be replaced with artificial ones. In 1957, she underwent surgery to remove her womb after brutal torture in prison.

Sawaba became so familiar with arrests that she always kept a blanket inscribed “Prison Yard” near her bed, ready for the next time police came knocking. Yet prison only strengthened her resolve. Crowds of women and men often packed the courtroom during her trials, chanting in her support.

Her fight extended to the ballot box. In 1956, she and other NEPU women marched to the office of Premier Sir Ahmadu Bello in Kaduna to demand voting rights for Northern women. He promised to consider their request but unfortunately he never fulfilled it. While women in the South gradually gained the franchise (1951 in Lagos, 1954 in the East, 1959 in the West), Northern women were told they would receive the vote only “in God’s time.” Sawaba mocked the excuse, declaring that had women been enfranchised earlier, she would have contested against these men. Ultimately, Northern women did not get the vote until 1976.

Her activism was not without personal sacrifice. After her separation from her first husband, she married three more times, a railway worker, a Cameroonian boxer (regularly threatened with deportation by her political enemies), and a businessman. None of the marriages lasted. She endured physical attacks, including one where six men beat her unconscious and left her for dead in the bush.

Despite all this, Sawaba remained a pillar of courage. Her home on Benin Street in Zaria became a hub for political meetings, filled with posters of Karl Marx, Thomas Sankara, and Samora Machel. She maintained an open-door policy, raising not only her daughter but also dozens of adopted children, relatives, orphans, and street kids. By the time of her death, she had taken in over 30 children, some from the hospital just days before her passing.

At home, she was warm and unpretentious. Her daughter Bilikisu remembered her love of cooking and her favourite dishes: Nupe dukuno, tuwo shinkafa, and sakwara. Yet beyond the domestic space, she remained an indomitable lioness of politics, blunt, non-conformist, outspoken.

In 1998, disillusioned by corruption and the loss of ideology in Nigerian politics, she formally retired, declaring: “Politics in the country has lost its flavour and is no longer a game of ideology, but a game of self-aggrandisement.” She died three years later, in October 2001, at the age of 68.

Her funeral in Zaria was attended by two former heads of state, a testament to her political stature. Tributes poured in, with the New Nigerian describing her as “the most tortured and jailed Nigerian female politician.” Her daughter Bilikisu summed up her mother’s life simply: “She never stopped hoping for a better society and remained optimistic that Nigerians, especially women, would be free from tyranny and dictatorial leadership.”

Hajiya Gambo Sawaba lived and died as she had always been, a fighter, a redeemer, a lioness who roared for the voiceless.

Today, her memory endures in monuments such as the Hajiya Gambo Sawaba General Hospital in Zaria, a hostel at Bayero University, Kano (BUK) named after her, and in the many statues raised in her honour.

Hajiya Gambo Sawaba fought, bled, and endured for the rights of women and the poor. She never asked for applause but her legacy roars on, immortalizing her as the true Lioness of Zaria.

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Lifestyle

The Enduring Legacy of Vaseline: Over 150 Years of Skincare Innovation

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Vaseline, one of the most recognizable names in skincare, is built on the healing power of petroleum jelly. For more than 150 years, it has remained a trusted household product, protecting, soothing, and moisturizing skin across generations.

Origins of Vaseline Jelly

The Vaseline story begins in 1870 with Robert Chesebrough, a young chemist from Brooklyn, New York. While visiting Pennsylvania’s oil fields in the 1860s, he noticed workers using residue from drilling—called “rod wax”—to treat burns and cuts. Intrigued, Chesebrough refined this by-product into a purified substance he patented as Vaseline Petroleum Jelly in 1872.

Chesebrough famously promoted his creation with dramatic demonstrations, including burning his skin with acid or flame and applying Vaseline to show its healing effect. The product quickly gained popularity in the United States and Europe, establishing itself as a reliable remedy for dry skin, wounds, and household uses.

Expansion and Global Reach

For decades, Vaseline remained a single iconic product. By the mid-20th century, it began expanding into lotions, creams, and specialized skincare lines. In 1968, the launch of Vaseline Intensive Care Lotion in the U.S. marked a turning point, positioning Vaseline as more than a jelly but a full skincare brand.
Today, Vaseline is distributed in more than 70 countries, offering products tailored to diverse climates and skin needs. The brand is owned by Unilever, one of the world’s largest consumer goods companies, which helped accelerate its global reach.

Historical Highlights

Polar Exploration: In 1909, explorer Robert Peary carried Vaseline Petroleum Jelly during his expedition to the North Pole, where it proved invaluable in protecting skin from extreme cold.

Everyday Innovation: Vaseline was marketed not only as skincare but also as a multipurpose household product—from preserving leather to protecting wounds—cementing its place as an essential item in homes worldwide.

Medical and Wartime Use: During both World Wars, Vaseline was supplied to soldiers as part of medical kits, underscoring its reliability in harsh environments.

Vaseline for Families

Over the years, Vaseline expanded its line to meet specific needs. The Vaseline Baby Range introduced lotions, oils, and powders formulated for delicate infant skin, reinforcing the brand’s focus on gentle, protective care for every stage of life.

Enduring Significance

From Pennsylvania oil fields to global households, Vaseline has endured as a symbol of healing, resilience, and everyday practicality. Its staying power lies in the simplicity of its original product—Vaseline Petroleum Jelly—paired with continuous innovation to meet modern skincare needs.

More than just a moisturizer, Vaseline represents 150 years of trust, science, and care woven into daily life across cultures and continents.

Sources
Unilever Archives – History of Vaseline

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Alhaji Usman Faruk: First Military Governor of North-Western State

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Alhaji Usman Faruk (1932 – December 18, 2020) was a prominent Nigerian military officer, police chief, and statesman who played a defining role in governance during the formative years of Nigeria’s state creation. He was the first Military Governor of North-Western State, serving from 1967 to 1975 under the regime of General Yakubu Gowon. His tenure coincided with the Nigerian Civil War and the broader restructuring of the federation, making him one of the key figures in Nigeria’s post-independence history.

Early Life and Background

Born in 1932 in Gombe, Usman Faruk would later be honored with the traditional title of Jarman Gombe, a recognition of his standing in society. He joined the Nigerian Army during the early post-independence period, a time when the military was expanding in influence as the young nation grappled with political instability.

Faruk eventually transferred to the Nigeria Police Force, where he rose through the ranks to become a Commissioner of Police, one of the highest offices in law enforcement. His dual background in the army and the police reflected the fluidity of Nigeria’s security institutions during this era.

Appointment as Military Governor

In 1967, General Yakubu Gowon announced a sweeping restructuring of Nigeria’s political map, breaking up the four large regions into twelve new states. The old Northern Region was divided, and North-Western State was created—comprising what is today Sokoto State and parts of Niger State.
Faruk was appointed the first Military Governor of North-Western State, placing him at the forefront of building governance structures in a new administrative unit at a time of war and uncertainty.

Governance and Achievements

As governor (1967–1975), Faruk laid the institutional foundations of the new state government. His administration emphasized:

Institution-building: Setting up ministries, administrative units, and civil service structures for effective governance.

Education: Supporting the development of schools and technical institutions. He played a role in the establishment of Sokoto State Polytechnic (later renamed Umaru Ali Shinkafi Polytechnic).

Agriculture and Infrastructure: Initiating early agricultural development schemes to support the largely rural economy, while investing in roads and state infrastructure.

Security and Stability: Maintaining peace in a state bordering the conflict zones of the Civil War (1967–1970).

Faruk remained in office until July 1975, when General Gowon’s government was overthrown in a coup led by General Murtala Muhammed, which brought an end to his governorship.

Later Life and Public Engagement

After his retirement from service, Faruk continued to play a significant role as a public elder statesman. He was often consulted on political matters, security issues, and questions of Nigeria’s unity.

In interviews and public statements, he stressed the importance of stability, good governance, and cohesion in a diverse federation like Nigeria.

As Jarman Gombe, he also embodied the link between Nigeria’s modern political institutions and traditional authority, serving as a cultural custodian in his home state.

Death and Legacy

Alhaji Usman Faruk passed away on December 18, 2020, at the age of 88. His death marked the passing of one of the last surviving military governors from the Gowon era.

Faruk’s legacy rests on his pioneering role in laying the administrative foundations of North-Western State, his contributions to education and public service, and his continued engagement in national debates long after leaving office.

Sources
Vanguard News, “First Military Governor of North-Western State, Usman Faruk, dies at 88,” December 18, 2020.

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South Africa’s top court rules men can take wives’ surnames

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South Africa’s top court ruled Thursday that men should be able to take their wives’ surnames and a law that prevented this amounted to unfair gender discrimination.

The Constitutional Court said the legal ban served no legitimate government purpose and was suspended, paving the way for parliament to enact amendments to the legislation.

While men were deprived of the ability to take their wives’ surnames, the discrimination was “far more insidious” for women, the ruling said.

It “reinforces patriarchal gender norms, which prescribe how women may express their identity, and it makes this expression relational to their husband, as a governmental and cultural default,” it said.

The case was brought to court by two couples, one of which wanted to honour the woman’s parents who died when she was young. In the other case, the woman wanted to keep her ties to her family surname as she was an only child.

Previously, men would have to apply to the home affairs department to change their surname, a request that was not automatically granted.

Provisions allowing men to assume their wives’ surname on marriage are already in place in other countries, mainly in Europe and in certain US states.

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