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PHOTOS: The Untold Story of Nigeria’s First Political Plane Hijack

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“Ladies and gentlemen, This Plane Has Been Taken Over By The Movement for the Advancement of Democracy (MAD).”

On the morning of October 25, 1993, passengers aboard Nigeria Airways Flight WT470 were jolted by an announcement that would become one of the most shocking acts of civil disobedience in Nigeria’s history.

“Ladies and gentlemen, this plane has been taken over by the Movement for the Advancement of Democracy (MAD). Remain calm, we will not harm you. You will be told where the plane will land you.”

The voice belonged to Richard Ogunderu, a 19-year-old fresh secondary school graduate. Alongside Kabir Adenuga (aged 22), Kenny Rasaq-Lawal (aged 23), and Benneth Oluwadaisi (aged 24), they had just hijacked a domestic flight from Lagos to Abuja.

Their mission?

To draw the world’s attention to the annulment of Nigeria’s freest and fairest election, the June 12, 1993.

BACKGROUND

In the year 1993, Nigeria was at a historic crossroad. After nearly a decade of military rule under General Ibrahim Babangida who had banned, unbanned and re-banned political activities, a along-promised transition seemed finally within reach.

A glimmer of hope emerged with the announcement of a presidential election, the first since 1983.
He permitted a presidential elections to hold on June 12, 1993 which is still remembered today as the freest and fairest in Nigerian history. The presumed winner, Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale (MKO) Abiola, a wealthy businessman and philanthropist, represented the will of the people.

Abiola, was on the verge of leading Nigeria into a new democratic dawn until Babangida annulled the results, citing vague “security threats” and irregularities.

Nigerians erupt in protests. Cities burned with anger and rage. All Labour unions downed their tools. The nation demand answer.

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Under immense pressure, Babangida “stepped aside” on August 26, 1993, handing power to an unelected Interim National Government (ING) led by Chief Ernest Shonekan.

To many Nigerians, the ING was an insult, a puppet regime designed to cover up the treachery of June 12….

That frustration was what MAD sought to amplify. The hijackers chose their moment carefully. Flight WT470 wasn’t just another plane, it carried several high-profile passengers, including:

Brigadier-General Hafiz Momoh, Director-General of the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC)

Professor Jubril Aminu, former Minister of Petroleum

Rong Yiren, Vice President of the People’s Republic of China

The hijackers boarded the flight with terrifying ease. The metal detectors at the domestic wing of Lagos Airport had been out of service since 1987. They smuggled aboard petrol stored in raffia bags, lighters, a tear gas canister, jackknives, and what they later claimed were replica firearms.

Once the plane was in the air, they revealed themselves, poured petrol on the floor and on themselves, and issued their demands: the aircraft should be diverted to Frankfurt, Germany.

Frankfurt was out of reach without refueling. The pilots first tried to land in N’Djamena, Chad, but were denied entry. The same response came from Gabon and Ghana. Eventually, the plane was permitted to land at Diori Hamani International Airport in Niamey, capital of the Republic of Niger. After taking over the plane that day, they handed out printed MAD manifestos to the passengers.

Hours after landing in Niamey, the hijackers released 123 hostages, mostly women, children, and foreign nationals like Rong Yiren. The next day, General Momoh was also freed, as his hypertensive condition worsened under stress. But the hijackers held onto other high-profile passengers, hoping to force the Nigerian government’s hand.

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They issued five bold demands:

1. Justice for Dele Giwa, the Newswatch editor killed by a parcel bomb in 1986.

2. An official investigation into the crash of a Nigerian Air Force C-130 aircraft in 1992 that killed over 150 military officers.

3. A full explanation of the annulment of the June 12 elections.

4. The exposure and prosecution of those responsible for the annulment.

5. The official recognition of MKO Abiola as the legitimate President of Nigeria.

They gave a 72-hour deadline, after which they threatened to burn the plane with all remaining passengers on board.

While the hijack played out in Niger, Jerry Yusuf, a little-known cocoa trader and former Germany-based activist, had already introduced himself to the Nigerian press as the founder of MAD. Just a week earlier, he had walked into the offices of The Nigerian Tribune and spoke passionately about restoring democracy, spiritual visions, and his willingness to die for Nigeria.

The interview was published days before the hijack, effectively tying him to the incident. Nigerian authorities began hunting him immediately.

In the dead of night on October 28, 1993, as the 72-hour deadline expired, Nigerien special forces launched a commando-style assault on the aircraft. A brief but intense gunfight ensued.

Richard Ogunderu was shot in the leg but survived.

Ethelbert Nwanze Igwe, a 35-year-old assistant purser on the flight, was not so lucky. He was killed in the crossfire, the only fatality of the hijacking.

The four hijackers and Jerry Yusuf who had been arrested and extradited to Niger were imprisoned in Niger. Yusuf was released in 2000, and the rest of the group walked free in 2002 after nearly a decade behind bars.

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Upon their return to Nigeria, the hijackers found a country still spinning in political instability. MKO Abiola had been imprisoned in 1994 after declaring himself President in a bold speech delivered in the Epetedo area of Lagos. He died mysteriously in detention on July 7, 1998, just weeks after General Sani Abacha, the military strongman who overthrew Shonekan, also died suddenly.

At a press appearance after his release, Ogunderu explained why he joined the hijack plot:

“I wanted to leave Nigeria for greener pastures. But then I met Jerry Yusuf, and I realized I couldn’t run from this country’s problems forever.”

He believed the only meaningful way to fix Nigeria was to stand and fight, not flee.

Today, the 1993 plane hijack remains a largely forgotten episode in Nigeria’s long, turbulent struggle for democracy. Overshadowed by the drama of Abiola’s arrest and death, buried under the military boot of Sani Abacha, and erased by the passage of time, the story of MAD is barely remembered.

Even MKO Abiola distanced himself from the hijack, condemning it as misguided. Many activists labelled it reckless. And with the death of an innocent airline staff, the moral ground of the action was heavily debated.

Yet, the hijackers never intended to kill. They said so themselves. What they wanted, desperately was for Nigeria to listen.

A youthful cry, echoing through a country that was no longer listening.

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Ìwòyè-Kétu: The Yoruba Town That Spans Two Nations and Lives by Ancient Taboos

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Ìwòyè-Kétu is one of the most remarkable Yoruba communities in West Africa, not only for its deep-rooted traditions but also for its unique geopolitical identity. The ancient town straddles two modern nation-states—Nigeria and the Republic of Benin—yet remains culturally, spiritually, and traditionally unified as one Yoruba settlement.

A Town Without Borders in Spirit

Geographically, Ìwòyè-Kétu is primarily located in Imeko/Afon Local Government Area of Ogun State, Nigeria, while its western section lies across the international boundary in the Republic of Benin. This border, imposed during the colonial partition of Africa, cuts through the town but has failed to divide its people.

Families live on both sides of the boundary, speak the same Yoruba dialect, observe the same customs, and recognise one traditional authority. Daily life reflects this dual reality: residents freely transact using both the Nigerian naira and the West African CFA franc, depending on location and convenience.

Unified Kingship Across Nigeria and Benin

Despite existing in two countries, Ìwòyè-Kétu is governed traditionally by one paramount ruler. The recognised monarch is:

His Royal Majesty Oba (Sir) Isaac Adegbenro Oyero,
the Ooye of Ìwòyè-Kétu, also styled Adekilúrójú – Ada Páàkó II.

His authority is acknowledged by the community on both sides of the border, making Ìwòyè-Kétu a rare example of a binational Yoruba town under a single royal institution.

Origins in Ile-Ife

According to Yoruba oral tradition, Ìwòyè-Kétu was founded by Olúmu (or Olómù), a legendary migrant from Ilé-Ifẹ̀, the spiritual homeland of the Yoruba people. Like many Yoruba settlements, its founding narrative emphasises migration from Ife, reinforcing the town’s ancient roots within the broader Yoruba civilisational story.

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Ìwòyè-Kétu forms part of the historic Kétu region, once a powerful Yoruba kingdom before European colonial boundaries fragmented it between British-ruled Nigeria and French-ruled Dahomey (now Benin).

Sacred Taboos That Still Govern Daily Life

Ìwòyè-Kétu is widely known for its strict traditional prohibitions, which continue to be enforced by custom and belief:

Use of umbrellas is strictly forbidden anywhere within the town.

Rearing pigs is prohibited, and pork is traditionally avoided.

In some oral accounts, digging wells is either forbidden or tightly regulated.

These taboos are believed to be tied to ancestral covenants, spiritual agreements, and the town’s founding myths. Violations are traditionally thought to invite misfortune, reinforcing collective adherence across generations.

Language, Culture, and Continuity

Despite the Nigeria–Benin divide, Ìwòyè-Kétu remains culturally seamless. Yoruba language, customs, festivals, and lineage systems are shared. The town stands at a linguistic crossroads where English and French meet administratively, but Yoruba remains dominant socially and spiritually.

A Living Example of Pre-Colonial African Unity

Ìwòyè-Kétu exemplifies how pre-colonial African societies continue to transcend modern borders. Long before Nigeria or Benin existed, the town functioned as a single cultural entity—and it still does.
In an era where borders often define identity, Ìwòyè-Kétu reminds us that history, tradition, and shared ancestry can be stronger than lines drawn on maps.

Sources

Yoruba oral traditions and local historical accounts of Ìwòyè-Kétu

Ogun State local government and cultural heritage records (Imeko/Afon LGA)

Nigerian media reports and cultural features on Ìwòyè-Kétu’s taboos and binational status

Community welcome signage and local testimonies

Cross-border Yoruba history of the Kétu Kingdom (Nigeria–Benin)

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Emotan; The Benin Heroine (PHOTOS)

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Throughout history, in every culture around the world, extraordinary women have pushed society to think bigger, move forward and create.

Emotan is a glowing example of boundless courage and world-changing ingenuity.

Emotan a market woman, single-handedly raised an army and overthrew the illegal regime of Oba Uwaifiokun who usurped his brother and conspired with his chief to kill King Ewuare.

She protected Oba Ewuare in her hut and showed him kindness when he was trying to reclaim his throne back.

Emotan helped install Oba Ewuare the Great, who was the most outstanding Oba in the ancient Benin Kingdom around 1440AD.

Eventually, when Oba Ewuare regained his throne, Emotan became the King’s favourite citizen.

Moreso, her kindness wasn’t restricted to the Oba alone, history tells us that Emotan converted her hut to a crèche to help nursing mothers who patronized her or came to the market for other things.

At that time, her daycare centre was popular in Benin and it can be said authoritatively that she started the first-day care centre in Benin.

After her death, her body was buried at the Oba market at the exact spot where she sold her goods. A tree was planted on her grave and she is being worshipped as the mother of love and kindness

Source: Benin achive

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Michael Adekunle Ajasin (1908–1997): Scholar, Educationist, and Statesman of Principle

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Michael Adekunle Ajasin remains one of the most respected figures in Nigeria’s political and educational history, remembered for his intellectual depth, personal integrity, and unwavering commitment to democratic ideals and public education.

Born on 28 November 1908 in Owo, present-day Ondo State, Ajasin’s early life was shaped by discipline, learning, and service. He attended St. Andrew’s College, Oyo between 1924 and 1927, one of the foremost teacher-training institutions in colonial Nigeria. After qualifying as a teacher, he worked in the profession for several years, laying the foundation for what would become a lifelong dedication to education.

In 1943, Ajasin gained admission to Fourah Bay College, Sierra Leone, then one of the most prestigious higher institutions for Africans in British West Africa. He graduated in June 1946 with a Bachelor of Arts degree in English, Modern History, and Economics. Determined to deepen his professional competence, he proceeded to the Institute of Education, University of London, where he obtained a Postgraduate Diploma in Education in June 1947.

Family Life

Ajasin married Babafunke Tenabe, also a teacher, on 12 January 1939. Their marriage produced four children—two sons and two daughters. One of his daughters, Mrs Olajumoke Anifowoshe, distinguished herself in public service, becoming Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice in Ondo State, further reflecting the family’s strong tradition of civic engagement.

Educational Leadership

On 12 September 1947, Michael Adekunle Ajasin was appointed Principal of Imade College, Owo. His tenure was marked by visionary leadership and an aggressive staff development programme. Notably, he facilitated opportunities for teachers to pursue further training at University College, Ibadan, at a time when such advancement was rare.

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In December 1962, Ajasin left Imade College to establish Owo High School, where he served as founder, proprietor, and first principal from January 1963 to August 1975. Under his leadership, the school earned a reputation for academic excellence and discipline, reinforcing his belief that education was the most effective instrument for social transformation.

Political Thought and Early Activism

Ajasin was deeply involved in Nigeria’s nationalist and pre-independence politics. In 1951, he authored a policy paper that later became the education blueprint of the Action Group (AG), boldly advocating free education at all levels. This proposal would later be implemented in Western Nigeria under Chief Obafemi Awolowo and remains one of the most impactful social policies in Nigerian history.

He was among the founders of the Action Group, a party whose ideology centred on immediate independence from Britain, universal healthcare, and the eradication of poverty through sound economic planning. During the 1950s, Ajasin served as National Vice President of the Action Group.

Legislative and Local Government Service

Ajasin’s political career expanded steadily. He became an elected ward councillor, then Chairman of Owo District Council, which covered Owo and surrounding communities such as Idashen, Emure-Ile, Ipele, Arimogija, Ute, Elerenla, and Okeluse.

In 1954, he was elected to the Federal House of Representatives in Lagos, serving as a federal legislator until 1966, when military rule interrupted Nigeria’s First Republic. His years in parliament were characterised by advocacy for education, regional development, and constitutional governance.

Return to Politics and Governorship

In 1976, Ajasin became Chairman of Owo Local Government. With the return to civilian rule, he joined the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), the ideological successor to the Action Group.

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In 1979, he was elected Governor of Ondo State, with Akin Omoboriowo as his deputy. His administration prioritised education, rural development, and fiscal discipline. However, political tensions emerged when Omoboriowo defected to the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) and contested the 1983 gubernatorial election against him. Although Omoboriowo was initially declared winner, the results were later annulled, and Ajasin was sworn in for a second term.

His tenure was abruptly terminated by the military coup of 31 December 1983, which brought General Muhammadu Buhari to power.

Integrity and Personal Example

Michael Adekunle Ajasin was widely admired for his personal honesty. Reflecting on his years in office, he famously stated:

“I came into office in October 1979 with a set of my own rich native dresses and left office in December 1983 with the same set of dresses; no addition and no subtraction.”

He further noted that he owned no personal cars upon leaving office, having exhausted the two he had before assuming governorship. This statement has since become a benchmark for ethical leadership in Nigeria.

Pro-Democracy Struggle

In the 1990s, Ajasin emerged as a leading elder statesman within the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), which opposed military dictatorship and demanded the validation of Chief M.K.O. Abiola’s annulled June 12, 1993 presidential mandate.

In 1995, he was arrested by the Abacha military regime, alongside 39 other activists, for participating in what the government termed an illegal political meeting—an episode that underscored his lifelong commitment to democracy and civil liberties.

Educational Legacy

As governor, Ajasin signed into law the establishment of Ondo State University in 1982, located in Ado-Ekiti (now in Ekiti State). In 2000, during the administration of Chief Adebayo Adefarati, a new university in Akungba-Akoko was named Adekunle Ajasin University in his honour. He also played a key role in the establishment of The Polytechnic, Owo.

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Michael Adekunle Ajasin stands as a rare example of a Nigerian leader whose intellectual rigour, moral discipline, and public service aligned seamlessly. His legacy lives on through the institutions he built, the policies he shaped, and the enduring example of integrity he set in public life.

Source:
Ondo State Government Historical Records; Nigerian Political Biographies; Action Group Party Archives; Adekunle Ajasin University Documentation

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