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Audit uncovers over N61bn payment breaches in NNPCL

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The Office of the Auditor-General for the Federation has uncovered 28 major financial irregularities linked to the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL), involving N30.1bn $51.6m, £14.3m, and €5.17m in questionable payments, undocumented expenditures, and breaches of financial regulations. When converted to naira, the total amount is about N61.1bn

The red flags, contained in the Auditor-General’s 2022 Annual Report on Non-Compliance (Volume II), detail transactions carried out during the 2021 financial year across the NNPCL and its subsidiaries. The document was obtained by our correspondent on Sunday.

The report, which has been transmitted to the National Assembly, accuses NNPCL of weak internal controls, unauthorised virements, tax infractions, irregular procurement, abandoned projects, and unsubstantiated settlements.

“These findings highlight systemic weaknesses that continue to expose public funds to avoidable risk. Where documents were not provided, payments were unjustified. Where approvals were absent, expenditure breached the law. Recovery and sanctions must follow,” the Auditor-General’s office said.

The latest audit revelations come against the backdrop of earlier reports by The PUNCH this year, which exposed long-running financial discrepancies involving the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited. The Auditor-General’s annual reports for 2017 to 2021 showed that the national oil company was previously indicted for the diversion of N2.68tn and $19.77m within a four-year period.

The breakdown includes N1.33tn flagged in 2017, N681.02bn in 2019, N151.12bn and $19.77m in 2020, and N514bn in 2021, signalling a persistent pattern of unremitted funds, unsupported transfers, and irregular withdrawals that have raised concerns about governance and accountability in the petroleum sector.

Among the most striking revelations in the new report is Issue 2, which concerns the expenditure of £14,322,426.59 at NNPC’s London Office without documentation. Auditors said the corporation failed to provide utilisation details or supporting schedules for the amount.

According to the auditor-general, Financial Regulations (2009) place strict responsibilities on all accounting officers, including ensuring adequate internal controls and proper documentation for public expenditure. Paragraph 112 mandates officers to provide clear rules and procedures to safeguard revenue.

In the same vein, Paragraph 603(1) requires every payment voucher to contain full particulars, dates, quantities, rates, and to be supported with invoices, purchase orders, letters of authority, and other relevant documents to enable verification without recourse to additional files.

However, the Auditor-General reported that these statutory provisions were breached in the operation of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited’s London Office in the 2021 financial year.

According to the audit, a total of £14,322,426.59 was spent by the Foreign Office during the period under review, covering personnel costs, fixed contract expenses, and other operational needs.

A breakdown of the expenditure showed personnel costs amounting to £5,943,124.74, fixed contract and essential expenses totalling £1,436,177.11, while other operational costs stood at £6,943,124.74, bringing the total to £14,322,426.59.

Despite the magnitude of the spending, the audit team noted that it was not provided with supporting documents or given access to verify how the funds were utilised. The report stated that the auditors were unable to ascertain whether the expenditure complied with due process and other requirements of the Financial Regulations.

The Auditor-General warned that the failure to provide documentation points to “weaknesses in the internal control system” of NNPC Ltd, exposing the organisation to the risks of diversion and misappropriation of public funds.

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In its response, NNPC management said the London Office operates as a service unit with an approved annual budget and that the £14.32m allocated for 2021 was implemented in line with operational and financial requirements. It stated that the office maintains detailed records of all transactions, including personnel and contract-related expenses, and expressed willingness to provide the documents upon request.

Management, however, argued that the audit query did not specify which transactions or line items were being questioned, making it difficult to provide targeted explanations. It added that the company remains committed to improving internal controls and ensuring compliance across all its units.

But the Auditor-General rejected the explanation, describing it as unsatisfactory. The report insisted that the query remains valid until NNPC provides full accountability for the funds and implements the prescribed corrective actions.

The audit recommended that the Group Chief Executive Officer of NNPC Ltd appear before the Public Accounts Committees of the National Assembly to explain the utilisation of the £14,322,426.59 spent by the London Office in 2021.

It also directed the recovery and remittance of the entire amount to the Treasury. Failing this, the Auditor-General said sanctions for irregular payments and failure to account for public funds, as outlined in paragraphs 3106 and 3115 of the Financial Regulations, should be applied to the responsible officers.

The report read, “Audit observed that the sum of £14,322,426.59 (Fourteen million, three hundred and twenty two thousand, four hundred and twenty six pounds and fifty nine pence) was expended for the London Office during the 2021 financial year.

“Audit was not availed the necessary documents and the opportunity to confirm the utilisation of the funds that were managed by the London Office and to ascertain that the expenditure was made following due process and economy as required by the extant regulations. The above anomalies could be attributed to weaknesses in the internal control system at the NNPC, now NNPC Ltd.”

In a similar vein, auditors flagged €5,165,426.26 paid to a contractor under Issue 12, warning that no evidence of engagement existed to justify the payment.

Dollar-denominated transactions also raised red flags. The audit highlighted $22,842,938.28 in unsubstantiated Direct Sales Direct Payment settlements (Issue 4); $12,444,313.22 for delayed generator procurement at the Mosimi depot (Issue 24); and $1,801,500 paid under an irregular contract extension for a bunkering vessel (Issue 7).

Additional queries include $2,006,293.20 in provisional payments without invoices (Issue 10) and $1,035,132.81 paid to a company without power of attorney (Issue 13). In total, $51,674,020.15 was flagged as irregular.

On the naira side, the auditor general accused NNPCL of authorising payments without approvals or documentation, executing budgets outside approved limits, and failing to remit statutory surpluses.

A major query, Issue 21, involved the non-remittance of N12.721bn into the corporation’s General Reserve Fund, contrary to the corporation’s obligations.

The report also cited: N3.445bn paid by the Chief Financial Officer without the General Managing Director’s approval (Issue 6), N2.379bn irregularly paid as status-car cash options to staff (Issue 5), N1.212bn paid to contractors without interim payment certificates or invoices (Issue 26), N474.46m spent through unauthorised virement (Issue 9), N355.43m in demurrage and brokerage payments on abandoned refinery cargoes (Issue 8), N292.6m for an Accident and Emergency hospital project abandoned after mobilisation (Issue 1)

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The report further identified N82.6m in undocumented reimbursables, N152m irregular procurement for the Nigeria Police Force, N145.9m in serial consultancy renewals, and N25m paid as additional consultancy fees without evidence of fresh deliverables.

NNPCL also paid N246.19m for a contract with no proof of execution (Issue 18), while N46.2m in under-deducted withholding tax was left unremitted (Issue 19). A high-risk cross-MDA audit item, Issue 27, includes N6.246bn in payments made without supporting documents, of which NNPCL accounted for the largest share. Another audit issue involves the payment of N1.365bn processed through unauthorised virements. In total, domestic infractions amounted to N30,115,474,850.85.

The audit also spotlighted NNPC’s failure to apply statutory deductions across several transactions. Under Issue 3, auditors identified N247.18m and $529,863.24 in non-deduction of VAT, WHT, and Stamp Duty. Another transaction, Issue 16, involved $8,355.18 paid without statutory tax deductions.

“These breaches affect government revenue and contravene Financial Regulations,” the report noted. “Entities must ensure that all statutory deductions are remitted promptly and accurately.” A significant portion of the 28 queries relates to procurement violations. Auditors flagged NNPCL for Inflated variations amounting to $1.926m in one contract (Issue 14).

Auditors queried an irregular vessel substitution under a time-charter agreement for the movement of petroleum products. The report noted that Article 5.2 of the original 2017 contract stated that once a vessel was inspected and accepted by NNPC, the contractor was required to “deliver the coastal vessel at the Lagos Port” for commencement of operations, while Article 5.3 mandated that any vessel failing to meet contract specifications “shall result in rejection” and immediate replacement at the contractor’s expense.

However, the audit observed that although the two-year charter, effective June 1, 2017, at a daily rate of $19,532, was signed for MT Breeze Stavanger, the contractor notified NNPCL that MT Breeze Stavanger was unavailable and unilaterally replaced it with MT Alizea from January 1, 2018. The substitute vessel was billed at a higher daily charter rate of $21,643.23, creating an inflated variance of $2,111.23 per day, or $770,598.95 for the 12-month period.

“There was no justification provided for the sudden unavailability of MT Breeze Stavanger after only six months,” the audit stated, adding that the 12 months was in violation of clear provisions in the original contract. The contractor was obligated to replace the vessel at its sole expense, not impose higher rates on NNPC.”

Auditors further disclosed that the inadvertent substitution continued for 30 months, significantly increasing costs and breaching agreed terms.

“The total cost incurred as a result of this inadvertent substitution for thirty months, equivalent to two years and six months, with effect from 1st January, 2018, to 31st May, 2020, as indicated in the Extension Agreement executed on 16th December, 2019, is US$1,926,497.38.

“This action amounted to an irregular adjustment of contract conditions and exposed public funds to unnecessary financial risk. The above anomalies could be attributed to weaknesses in the internal control system at the NNPC, now NNPC Ltd.”

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Similarly, an “emergency procurement” of custody transfer meters costing $8.238m without justification (Issue 11) was flagged, Payment of $156,000 to a consultant without evidence of engagement (Issue 15), Regular renewal of consultancy contracts instead of fresh bidding (Issue 25), Paying a “legacy debt” to the wrong company (Issue 13) These issues indicate a pattern of circumventing procurement controls,” the report said.

The Auditor-General’s office recommended immediate recovery of all unsupported payments, remittance of withheld statutory surpluses, and sanctions for officers responsible for what it called “widespread violation of extant financial regulations.”

It added, “Where officers fail to provide the required documents, the sums shall be recovered from them directly.” The outcome of the audit comes at a time when the national oil company is positioning itself as a fully commercial entity under the Petroleum Industry Act.

The report underscores how far the company must go to achieve transparency and efficiency. Commenting in an earlier interview, the Centre for Anti-Corruption and Open Leadership described the NNPCL as a hub of institutional corruption, alleging that powerful interests within and outside the government had shielded the organisation from accountability.

CACOL’s Executive Director, Debo Adeniran, lamented that despite the enactment of the Petroleum Industry Act aimed at decentralising and unbundling the NNPCL, the company’s operations remained opaque and rife with allegations of corruption.

According to Adeniran, the NNPCL has always been a source of liquid enrichment for government officials, even before it was converted into a limited liability company.

“The operations of the NNPCL have always been shrouded in secrecy. Even the Petroleum Industry Act has not helped. Despite all the noise about decentralisation and unbundling of the NNPCL, nothing has materialised. It is the strongest cabal in Nigeria. All the powerful elements in government and MDAs work in concert with those managing the NNPCL’s accounts, perhaps due to gratification.

“Even the anti-corruption agencies find it difficult to probe the NNPCL. A couple of attempts were made by the ICPC and EFCC in the past, but they have not been able to uncover anything. There must be something shielding the NNPCL from exposure for its corruption crimes,” Adeniran said.

Similarly, the Executive Director of the Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre, Musa Rafsanjani, criticised the NNPCL for its lack of accountability and attributed it not only to the corporation but also to President Bola Tinubu, the National Assembly, and security agencies.

Rafsanjani asserted that the president, as the leader of the nation, bore the primary responsibility for ensuring that the NNPCL operated transparently and remained accountable to Nigerians.

He called on the government and other stakeholders to adopt a firmer stance against the alleged cartel operating within the NNPCL, emphasising the need for a stronger commitment to addressing corruption in the oil sector.

The PUNCH reports that the infractions occurred under the tenure of Mele Kyari, who served as GCEO from 2019 until he was removed earlier this year and succeeded by Bayo Ojulari.

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FG to end regulated gas pricing in 2028

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Nigeria is set to end regulated pricing in the domestic gas market by September 24, 2028, as the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority targets a transition to a fully established willing-buyer, willing-seller framework.

The Chief Executive of NMDPRA, Rabiu Umar, disclosed this on Thursday at the Gas Market Maturity Workshop organised under the Decade of Gas initiative at the Petroleum Technology Development Fund, Abuja.

Umar said the transition would be based on measurable conditions that demonstrate the maturity of different segments of the gas market, in line with the provisions of the Petroleum Industry Act.

“Gas must be affordable for Nigerians while supporting President Ahmed Tinubu’s investment reforms. This transition is in line with the Nigeria decade of gas goal to become a gas-powered economy by 2030,” he stated.

He said the PIA envisaged a shift from a market largely coordinated through regulation to one driven increasingly by commercial contracts between willing buyers and willing sellers.

“Invariably, this is the first time that we have been bold enough to set a clear target for our gas market transition,” he noted.

According to Umar, the authority was targeting a 24-month period to establish the conditions required to declare the market a fully functioning willing-buyer, willing-seller market.

“The journey we are starting should lead us to a place where we should target a 24-month at best period within which we will be able to declare the market to be truly a willing-buyer, willing-seller market.”

He stressed that the transition must not be based on broad statements of intent but on clearly defined indicators, thresholds and safeguards.

Umar identified supply availability and diversity, the number and quality of buyers and sellers, access to transportation infrastructure, strength of contracts, payment reliability, delivery obligations, market information and credible price signals as key indicators of market maturity.

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The NMDPRA boss, however, said Nigeria’s domestic gas supply remained tight despite the country’s vast gas resources, stressing that infrastructure development must be matched by sufficient gas molecules to utilise the infrastructure.

“If you look at supply, for example, on the domestic side, it is still tight, no matter how you look at it. We have a lot of work to do in our infrastructure space,” he said. “The focus right now is not just delivering the infrastructure, but ensuring that we have enough molecules to fill the pipeline,” he added.

Umar specifically stressed the need to ensure that major gas infrastructure projects, including the Ajaokuta-Kaduna-Kano pipeline, had sufficient gas supply to make them commercially useful.

He said the role of the regulator would also evolve as the market developed, with greater emphasis on establishing market rules, ensuring fair access, protecting competition and monitoring market conduct.

The NMDPRA chief executive disclosed that the authority had commenced consultations on draft regulations on anti-competitive practices, aimed at translating the competition provisions of the PIA into enforceable regulatory rules.

He also called for a realistic assessment of the different segments of the Nigerian gas market, noting that they were at different stages of development.

According to him, the sequencing of the transition would require determining which market segments were ready to move first, the thresholds they must meet and the safeguards required before liberalisation.

Umar further disclosed that the authority was nearing the conclusion of the process for the issuance of gas distribution licences, with the exercise expected to be completed in the coming weeks.

He said qualified companies would be issued gas distribution licences in the fourth quarter of 2026.

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The NMDPRA boss also said the authority was working to deepen domestic utilisation of liquefied petroleum gas and liquefied natural gas, stressing that increased domestic utilisation of the country’s gas resources would be an important indicator of economic growth.

He said the government was also seeking to expand the use of compressed natural gas, while several LNG and gas-to-power projects were being developed across the country.

According to him, greater domestic gas utilisation could support power generation, reduce dependence on imports and minimise transmission losses associated with moving electricity over long distances.

He added that the authority was committed to creating a predictable, coherent and transparent regulatory environment capable of attracting long-term investment into the gas sector.

Umar said gas projects required substantial upfront investment and long-term contracts before investors and financiers could commit capital.

“For you to take an FID in a gas investment, you need to have a long-term contract,” he said, adding that the authority was willing to engage with individual projects to identify regulatory measures that could support their development.

Also speaking, the Coordinating Director of the Decade of Gas Secretariat, Ed Ubong, said Nigeria could achieve a willing-buyer, willing-seller gas market before the end of the first horizon of the Decade of Gas programme in 2030.

Ubong said the programme had identified clear markers for achieving the target, including increasing gas supply to 12.6 billion cubic feet per day by 2030.

He said 16 key infrastructure projects were expected to support the growth of the gas market, while more than 60 projects capable of creating about 15 billion cubic feet per day of gas demand had been identified on the demand side.

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He noted that a mature gas market would also require the development of a successful gas-to-power market and greater access to cooking gas.

In her speech, the President of the Nigerian Gas Association, Engr. Mrs Yetunde Taiwo, said the transition to a willing-buyer, willing-seller market must be driven by clearly defined milestones.

Taiwo said the NGA had consistently advocated for a commercially driven gas market but stressed that the transition must be properly sequenced to avoid moving either prematurely or too slowly.

“As NGA, what we would like to see really is to see those goalposts, those milestones that have been set, that makes it a realistic journey for us to say we have achieved a willing buyer, willing seller status.”

According to her, Nigeria had made significant progress in the gas industry over the past decade, but substantial work remained to be done.

She called for stronger collaboration between government, regulators and industry, with government providing clear policy direction, regulators establishing predictable rules, and industry continuing to invest, innovate and execute projects.

Taiwo said the ultimate objective should be a gas market capable of attracting investment, encouraging greater participation and delivering reliable gas to industries, businesses and consumers.

Source: punchng.com

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State police will tackle food inflation – Lagos Food Bank founder reveals

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Founder/Executive Director of Lagos Food Bank Initiative, Dr Michael Sunbola, tells FELIX OLOYEDE how the not-for-profit organisation is helping Lagos residents overcome hunger

What inspired the Green Harvest Agri-food Initiative?

Green Harvest, of course, is an additional layer of the solution to hunger and malnutrition in Nigeria. On the broad spectrum, I’ve had a journey of being a humanitarian and a food system activist. That journey spans over 10 years already. What brought me to the development and humanitarian space still boils down to my childhood experience. And, of course, experiencing food insecurity, going to school, and not having lunch in school. And, of course, that kind of had an impact. In the sense that I was not interested in school; I felt I should be somewhere else rather than school. And I look at what impact that might actually be having on several families right now, several children. And, of course, that gave birth to the Lagos Food Bank, which then translated into serving families. And thereafter, the Green Harvest Agri-Food Initiative started to create a more sustainable pathway for beneficiaries to fend for themselves. Because we realise that the truth is we cannot distribute our way out of hunger. There has to be a more sustainable pathway for beneficiaries to fend for themselves, earn a decent income, become more economically viable, and grow healthy food by themselves while improving their income. So, that is what Green Harvest is about. I must also mention that Green Harvest focuses on curbing food waste.

Through the Agricultural Recovery Programme under Green Harvest, we partner with local farmers to recover surplus post-harvest produce. And then we, of course, have that redistributed to beneficiaries who are mostly in need of their daily meals. So instead of having a whole lot of food go to waste on the farms, what we do is partner with these local farmers and recover surpluses from them.

Do the farmers from whom you collect waste give it to you for free, or do you pay them?

We collect these items from them for a stipend. For instance, they might have sold a bunch of farm produce for maybe N500,000, and we pay them N50,000. Because instead of it going to waste, they could use that money to buy seedlings. So, it’s a stipend. It can’t be compared to the value. But if they don’t even get that, the entire produce goes to waste.

We see it as a way of supporting the farmers. So at least, it won’t be a total loss for them.

So, they can still buy seedlings; they can still do some basic things while we capture the rest and redistribute them.

How does this initiative plug into the initial objectives you had when you started the Lagos Food Bank 10 years ago?

The Green Harvest Agri-food initiative is the future of what we are doing at the Lagos Food Bank. Because we are now looking at food production, we are looking at empowerment for beneficiaries and getting them out of the hunger line. We are looking at also using the initiative to empower more families on a large scale. Also going to large-scale food production. So, most of what we are doing currently, while we understand it, still kind of focuses on interventions that are more into consumption. This focuses more on production, covering food waste and empowerment. We are also looking at smart agriculture. And some other innovations that are still coming in agriculture, like the Black Soldier Fly and all of that. All of it comes under Green Harvest Africa, Green Harvest Agri-Food Initiative.

In the short term, like five years, how much are you thinking of investing in this initiative?

In the next five years, I might not be able to give a specific figure for what would go into an investment. Because it is not a limited liability company, it is still a non-profit. But in terms of investment, we are still looking at how we are going to work with other development partners and how they can plug into investing. We might not be able to project value accurately, but we know we’ll be working with a lot of development partners.

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What size of farm are you targeting?

We, of course, are looking at having farms. Right now, we are starting in the South-West.

Oyo State, Ogun State and the like. And the idea is for us to kind of control the supply chain for Lagos Food Bank. And we call that backward integration, where instead of getting some of this food, buying it, we could actually be producing it and then also serving it. It’s more like an initiative that helps us control our supply chain and helps improve income for beneficiaries. Because we are controlling our own supply chain through backward integration, we are also going to work with beneficiaries to empower them to grow their own food through backyard farming. There’s one for Lagos Food Bank, and there’s one for beneficiaries, like decentralised kind of farming where beneficiaries have their own farm in their backyards. It’s all part of the Green Harvest Aagri-food Initiative.

The United Nations, one of its agencies, said about 35 million Nigerians are facing hunger. What do you think is responsible for this large number of hungry people in the country? And how do you think we can tackle it holistically?

Hunger in Nigeria is widespread. It boils down to economic policies, the high cost of living, and the cost of fuel and other essential commodities. And when people can barely earn enough to make a living and sustain themselves, it, of course, leads to hunger and poverty. The NBS report, I think in 2023 or 2024, corroborates the fact that more than 60 per cent of our population are multidimensionally poor. Poverty breeds hunger and hunger breeds malnutrition.

I know there are short-term plans and there are long-term plans. We still have to look, in the short term, at how we can create more economic opportunities for people to earn a decent living. And how can the government look at some of its policies that would, of course, have a long-term impact on reducing the economic burden on the average person? And then we need to invest more in agriculture. We need to look at opening the borders, reducing the cost of food, and empowering more farmers to produce more food. It’s a matter of demand and supply. Food inflation is around 25 per cent or so. And we have the overall food inflation and headline inflation basically. So, if we are looking at all of this put together, they are major drivers of the high cost of food basically. Food prices should be reduced so the average person can afford food and, of course, eat decently and nutritiously.

The Family Farming Programme, under the Green Harvest Agri-food Initiative, focuses on training households in farming techniques. What successes have you recorded so far?

So far, we’ve empowered close to 6,000 families, women and youth. Families or households? Women, basically women and youth.  Because women, of course, empower the family. They produce and help the families in the long run. We’ve done direct beneficiaries over 6,000. And as we speak, they have their farms in their backyards; they have livestock; they are growing vegetables. But mainly, much of the income they make comes from livestock. Chickens, snails and the impact of our backyard farming is widespread as we speak.

And we are able to partner with a number of corporate organisations and institutional developments and institutions as well to kind of scale the Backyard Farming Programme. This is one of the most impactful programmes we currently run under the Green Harvest Agri-Food Initiative. And of course, you can look it up where you see the impacts are there.

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The country still faces high post-harvest loss. How is the Agricultural Recovery Company of the Green Harvest working to rescue these losses?

So, essentially, we work with local farmers, smallholder farmers. And we also work with large-scale commercial farms to recover their surpluses, to cut food waste and to reduce the impact of the amount of food that goes into landfills. This, of course, drives climate change. But the most important thing is: how do we reduce food waste across the entire agricultural value chain? From the farmers, from the food processing companies, or from the entire value chain, basically. Food loss and waste happen across the value chain. And what we do is we partner with these farms. They call us, “We have excess; come and pick it up.” We do the cleaning, we do the harvesting, we do everything. Because we have the manpower to work with over 45,000 volunteers to achieve some of these recoveries from the farms.

We also work with corporates in large-scale food processing. They also call on us, and we can recover a lot of kilos.

Like last year, can you give me a figure of tonnes of food you were able to recover through this initiative?

Last year, working across the entire value chain with farmers and food processing companies, we were able to recover at least 45,000 kg. Yeah. No, kg. Could you convert this to tonnes and let’s see what we have? 45, to be small.

What is the black soldier fly all about?

Black soldier fly farming helps convert organic waste into livestock feed, using one of the most innovative agricultural practices. And working with smallholder farmers to support them with livestock feed. For us, it is still in the early stages. In the next two to three years, we ought to have scaled this black soldier fly farming so we can produce more livestock feed and convert more organic waste, helping farmers with livestock feed.

You once said there is a need for government to give tax incentives to corporates who support food, who make food available for people. Why do you think government should give incentive to them?

What the government can do basically is to provide as much incentive for corporates who have taken it upon themselves to provide through their corporate social responsibilities, some form of support for vulnerable people. And the way it is done in other climes, when the corporate organisations put their resources together, they get incentive, they get tax returns, and such support is not treated as an income or expense, and you don’t tax expenses. But here, a whole lot of corporates that still do corporate social responsibility, they struggle to get such incentive from the government and tax bodies do not exempt that expense. So, if it’s not exempted, it’s part of profit which will be taxed. But if it’s an exempted expense, then it will not be, that way, they can get their returns. They won’t bear the burden.

So, that is even the least we’re expecting that the government could do or work with an organisation like ours to give such relief or exemptions to corporates that are supporting. But just to kind of give a bit of context to what I said earlier, the government creates the enabling environment; it creates support for farmers; it creates economic opportunities for people to fend for themselves. And then gives enough incentive to those who support.

How is insecurity threatening some of your agricultural initiatives?

It means that our current production cannot meet the demands of our population. So, what that implies is that it becomes a major driver of high food costs or food inflation. Because I think our issue here in Nigeria is kind of complex, in the sense that we are not just looking at how to increase yields or farmers’ production; we are dealing with a calculated effort as a result of insecurity towards farmers. When they attack farmers, they are not just afraid to go to the farm; production drops, and demand rises. So, it’s a major driver, and I believe one of the things I feel I think is high time the government implement is the state police. They’ve been on it for more than, for over a decade; in fact, more than two decades. The conversation around state police, I think, is that it’s high time it should be implemented.

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It was part of the current government’s campaign promises, and I think we are overripe for it. Honestly, state police should be implemented and fully actioned so that people’s lives, property and farmers can be protected across borders. And the state should take responsibility for its security.

So, you are saying that state police will help curb insecurity among farmers?

Yes. There’s nothing the Federal Government has done unilaterally that it does as efficiently as it does when it is decentralised. Look at NITEL, look at electricity, etc. If it’s centralised, they don’t have the bandwidth to carry it because of our population. The same point applies to the police. Decentralise it; let the state take responsibility, and that will reduce and depopulate what we have on the exclusive legislative list and move it more to the concurrent list. Let the state take responsibility; let the Federal Government take responsibility. And then decentralise it; the effort is better felt that way.

What are the biggest opportunities and challenges for scaling up Green Harvest Agri-food Initiative nationwide?

The biggest opportunity for us still remains the partnerships we could leverage to scale our intervention across the country. The number of partnerships and how many, of course, people come on board, because we are not a business. We are a non-profit, so the only way we can scale is through partnerships, and because many people still need this empowerment and intervention, and the amount of food that still goes to waste across the entire value chain is massive. So, the opportunities are there.

What are the challenges?

The challenges are mainly limited funding, which still holds back how far we can go. As a non-profit, we can only work with partnerships. If there are no partnerships, there is limited funding. There is no funding, there is no impact. And another challenge could possibly be the fact that if we tend to kind of scale, if the issue of security is not addressed, we are still challenged in that; we are still in that particular pool of challenges that other farmers are facing.

How much support do you get from the government?

Currently, what we are doing is 100 per cent private-sector-driven. The government provides us much more support, but not in any financial terms. And to an extent, maybe personnel support. But finances, I can say categorically, not for now, but we are not foreclosing the possibility of working with the government in the future.

We believe we complement the government’s efforts to bring relief to people. And at the right time, we feel that if the government deems it fits, I think we should come on board. Of course, we have built enough capacity to help the government address the immediate and long-term needs of those in the line of work.

What is your vision for the Green Harvest Agri-food Initiative over the next decade?

Food production, empowerment on a large scale. So, we are looking at having at least a presence in all 36 states in Nigeria. And not just serving people directly, but empowering them and creating economic opportunities for families, for farmers. We also want to become a major player in Nigeria’s entire food system and ecosystem. We also want to be a major player in food production and humanitarian relief.

Source: punchng.com

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FG targets $1.2bn private funding for fibre project

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The Federal Government is seeking about $1.2bn in private capital for its planned 90,000-kilometre nationwide fibre network, as the project moves towards physical deployment in October with a newly incorporated company set up to drive its implementation.

Official records from the government and global financial institutions reviewed by The PUNCH show that $800m of the estimated $2bn cost of the Federal Government’s planned fibre network has so far been covered by sovereign financing commitments, leaving about $1.2bn of the project cost outstanding.

The $800m comprises a $500m World Bank facility approved in October 2025, a $100m loan from the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development approved in February 2026, and a $200m African Development Bank loan approved in April, the records show.

The private capital is not a funding requirement that must be met before implementation can start. Rather, it forms the larger remaining portion of the project’s estimated $2bn capital envelope, which the Minister of Communications, Innovation and Digital Economy, Bosun Tijani, pitched in 2024.

Strategic Communications Adviser to the Minister, Osibo Imhoitsike, told The PUNCH that Project BRIDGE had attracted substantial support from international development finance institutions and private-sector mobilisation through the transaction structure.

He confirmed that the sovereign financing secured to date included $500m from the World Bank, $200m from the African Development Bank and $100m from the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development. The European Union also provided a €22m grant for Project BRIDGE.

“The government has received a significant private sector investment offer as part of the PPP structure, and that process is currently being concluded,” Imhoitsike said.

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The minister, Tijani, confirmed in August that physical rollout was expected to begin in October. The October date follows the incorporation of Bridge Open Access, or Bridge OA, in August as the special-purpose vehicle for the project.

“The establishment of the company signalled that the project was moving into its implementation phase, with the industry now expecting the October rollout,” Telecom consultant Ejike Onyeaso told The PUNCH.

“The industry is really looking forward to that because it will help reduce costs for not just mobile network operators but also internet service providers that rely on fibre, particularly in the hinterlands and underserved areas.”

In March 2025, his ministry formally opened an investor consultation process, inviting private-sector players to express interest in the Special Purpose Vehicle for the rollout under a public-private partnership model.

In April 2026, Tijani stated, “We’re now mobilising the private sector to plug the remaining gap,” after noting that over $800m had been raised from the government and World Bank for the project. The project is designed to take the national network from the current 35,000km to roughly 125,000km.

The World Bank said the programme would help close the country’s digital divide by expanding affordable, high-speed broadband to communities that remain unserved or underserved.

“The BRIDGE project puts into action the bold and ambitious vision to unlock the potential of the digital economy in Nigeria, working alongside the private sector,” World Bank Country Director for Nigeria, Mathew Verghis, said.

“Access to fast and reliable internet will help to create more quality jobs for millions of Nigerians across all 774 LGAs in addition to improving the quality of essential services like education and healthcare.”

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Documents from the ministry show that investors are expected to hold a majority stake in Bridge OA, with equity ownership ranging from 51 per cent to 75 per cent and operational control of the company. The Federal Government, through the Ministry of Finance Incorporated, or MoFI, is expected to retain between 25 per cent and 49 per cent.

The structure is intended to bring private capital and operating expertise into a project in which the government is providing part of the financing while retaining a minority position.

Bridge OA will handle the financing and construction of the network and operate it as a wholesale open-access infrastructure company rather than a retail internet provider. It is expected to sell fibre capacity on equal and non-discriminatory terms to qualified operators, including telecommunications companies, internet service providers, banks and cloud providers, rather than directly serving end users.

The rollout had previously been targeted for the fourth quarter of 2025 or the first quarter of 2026, but large-scale construction was deferred as the government worked to establish the special-purpose vehicle, onboard private investors and complete the necessary procurement and implementation arrangements.

The project was initially expected to be implemented over about five years, with an initial target of roughly 30,000km in the first year before the pace increased as private capital and construction capacity were brought into the programme. Tijani has since revised the overall delivery period to three years, bringing forward the expected completion of the 90,000km network.

Source: punchng.com

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