This is not just the story of colonial conquest. It is the story of the first OIL WAR, a war not fought over petroleum, but over palm oil, in the territories that would later become Nigeria.
Before the first drop of crude was ever drilled in Oloibiri, there was already a fierce battle for control over a different kind of oil: the red gold of the tropics.
In the 19th century, as the Industrial Revolution thundered across Britain and Europe, the demand for lubricants to keep machines running was insatiable. And at the heart of that demand was palm oil, a sticky red substance extracted from the fruit of a native African tree. This oil was used to grease machines, produce candles, soaps, etc.
The Niger Delta, then part of the region Europeans called the “Oil Rivers,” was the world’s richest source of this commodity. For centuries, the same Delta had served as a major slave-exporting hub, but by the 1870s, as abolition gained ground, slaves were replaced by palm oil as the primary export. The coast once known for bondage was now valued for commerce. African traders, many of them former slaves or descendants of returnees, became immensely wealthy. One of the most famous among them was King Jaja of Opobo, a self-made merchant-king who built a thriving trade empire on the strength of palm oil and personal diplomacy. These African merchants understood global trade and negotiated directly with European companies.
But African prosperity was never allowed to grow unchecked for long. By the late 1800s, European commercial rivalry was boiling over into political intrigue. British, French, and German merchants vied for dominance in the West African market. In 1879, a Cornishman named George Taubman Goldie began consolidating several British trading firms into a single entity. He formed the United African Company (UAC). With this company, Goldie initially envisioned dominating the palm oil trade on the Niger River. After that, he envisioned something more than trade, he wanted sovereignty.
Through aggressive expansion, Goldie’s company secured treaties with local chiefs along the Niger and Benue Rivers, gaining de facto control of vast inland territories. By 1884, Goldie’s company operated about 30 trading posts and used its economic leverage to argue at the Berlin Conference (the infamous 1884–85 summit where European powers divided Africa among themselves) that Britain should be awarded exclusive rights to the Niger Basin.
The British won the argument. The next year, in 1886, Goldie’s company received a Royal Charter from the British Crown, becoming the Royal Niger Company (RNC), a private corporation with governmental powers, similar to the old British East India Company. It could make treaties, raise its own military force, collect taxes, administer justice, and govern the vast areas along the Niger and Benue Rivers.
In effect, Nigeria was not yet a British colony, it was a private corporate colony ruled by a for-profit company headquartered in London.
To the local chiefs, the new company agents spoke of free trade and mutual prosperity. But behind these assurances were binding English contracts designed to establish monopolies, giving the company exclusive trading rights and ceding sovereignty to the British Crown. This meant the chiefs could only sell palm oil to the Royal Niger Company. Any attempt to export independently was treated as economic rebellion. Many chiefs, including King Jaja of Opobo, resisted.
King Jaja of Opobo was one such rebel. Despite his previous cooperation with the British, he refused to be dictated to. When he began exporting palm oil directly to Liverpool merchants, he was arrested in 1887, exiled to the West Indies, and never saw his kingdom again. He died in 1891 on his way home, allegedly poisoned with a cup of tea.
By the 1890s, resistance was rising. In the kingdom of Nembe, in today’s Bayelsa State, a new monarch, King Koko Mingi VIII, ascended the throne in 1889. Koko was an educated Christian convert and former schoolteacher. But he soon found himself at odds with the Royal Niger Company’s chokehold on trade. Like Jaja before him, he tried to bypass the company’s monopoly by seeking commercial ties with the Germans in Kamerun. But the company retaliated by blockading his kingdom from its traditional markets.
Tired of negotiations and betrayal, King Koko struck back. On 29 January 1895, before dawn, he led over 1,000 warriors in a surprise attack on the Royal Niger Company’s heavily guarded headquarters at Akassa. In what became known as the Brass Raid, Koko’s forces captured the station, seized arms and ammunition, including a Maxim machine gun, and took 60 European hostages. Koko demanded that the British lift their monopoly and allow Nembe to trade freely.
The British government refused to negotiate. In response, King Koko executed about forty of the hostages, an act the British termed cannibalism, a fabrication meant to justify vengeance.
On 20 February 1895, the Royal Navy retaliated under Admiral Frederick Bedford, launching a brutal punitive expedition. They bombarded Nembe town (Brass) and burned it to the ground. Hundreds were killed. Survivors suffered famine and diseases such as smallpox.
King Koko went into hiding. The town of Brass was fined £500, a fortune at the time, and forced to surrender weapons and surviving hostages.
In 1898, King Koko, declared an outlaw and unable to rally sufficient support for further resistance, died by suicide in exile. Around the same time, Oba Ovonramwen of Benin was also deposed following the Benin Punitive Expedition in 1897, signalling the final collapse of powerful indigenous resistance in southern Nigeria.
Back in London, the public outcry over the Brass Massacre and the RNC’s excesses led to parliamentary pressure. The British Parliament opened an inquiry, but rather than punish the Royal Niger Company, the Crown did something far more significant, it decided that a private corporation could no longer be trusted with the government of a people.
In 1899, the British revoked the Royal Charter of the Royal Niger Company. But it did not come for free.
The British bought out the company’s rights, territories, and infrastructure for the sum of £865,000, the equivalent of £108 million today. That was the price Britain paid to acquire the territory that would become Nigeria.
It was not a conquest in the conventional sense, it was a transaction. Nigeria was, quite literally, sold.
And who sold it?
The man at the centre of the deal was Sir George Taubman Goldie, the imperialist who had envisioned and built the corporate company that took over Nigeria’s territories. In many ways, he was Nigeria’s unofficial founder, though he never ruled the colony formally. He sold Nigeria to the British Crown in 1899 for £865,000, and for his services to empire, he was later knighted.
On 1 January 1900, the Southern and Northern Protectorates were formally declared under British rule.
The company was gone. But its legacy of economic exploitation, monopolistic control, and indirect rule would persist.
The company itself didn’t die. It rebranded and evolved. The Royal Niger Company merged into what we know today as Unilever, a multinational that still trades in Africa.
This is not just a footnote in colonial history. It is the story of how an entire country people, kingdoms, resources, rivers, was commodified, negotiated, and sold. It reminds us that empire was not only built with gunboats, but also with contracts, shares, and profits.
Nigeria, long before independence, had already been bought and sold.
Ìwòyè-Kétu is one of the most remarkable Yoruba communities in West Africa, not only for its deep-rooted traditions but also for its unique geopolitical identity. The ancient town straddles two modern nation-states—Nigeria and the Republic of Benin—yet remains culturally, spiritually, and traditionally unified as one Yoruba settlement.
A Town Without Borders in Spirit
Geographically, Ìwòyè-Kétu is primarily located in Imeko/Afon Local Government Area of Ogun State, Nigeria, while its western section lies across the international boundary in the Republic of Benin. This border, imposed during the colonial partition of Africa, cuts through the town but has failed to divide its people.
Families live on both sides of the boundary, speak the same Yoruba dialect, observe the same customs, and recognise one traditional authority. Daily life reflects this dual reality: residents freely transact using both the Nigerian naira and the West African CFA franc, depending on location and convenience.
Unified Kingship Across Nigeria and Benin
Despite existing in two countries, Ìwòyè-Kétu is governed traditionally by one paramount ruler. The recognised monarch is:
His Royal Majesty Oba (Sir) Isaac Adegbenro Oyero,
the Ooye of Ìwòyè-Kétu, also styled Adekilúrójú – Ada Páàkó II.
His authority is acknowledged by the community on both sides of the border, making Ìwòyè-Kétu a rare example of a binational Yoruba town under a single royal institution.
Origins in Ile-Ife
According to Yoruba oral tradition, Ìwòyè-Kétu was founded by Olúmu (or Olómù), a legendary migrant from Ilé-Ifẹ̀, the spiritual homeland of the Yoruba people. Like many Yoruba settlements, its founding narrative emphasises migration from Ife, reinforcing the town’s ancient roots within the broader Yoruba civilisational story.
Ìwòyè-Kétu forms part of the historic Kétu region, once a powerful Yoruba kingdom before European colonial boundaries fragmented it between British-ruled Nigeria and French-ruled Dahomey (now Benin).
Sacred Taboos That Still Govern Daily Life
Ìwòyè-Kétu is widely known for its strict traditional prohibitions, which continue to be enforced by custom and belief:
Use of umbrellas is strictly forbidden anywhere within the town.
Rearing pigs is prohibited, and pork is traditionally avoided.
In some oral accounts, digging wells is either forbidden or tightly regulated.
These taboos are believed to be tied to ancestral covenants, spiritual agreements, and the town’s founding myths. Violations are traditionally thought to invite misfortune, reinforcing collective adherence across generations.
Language, Culture, and Continuity
Despite the Nigeria–Benin divide, Ìwòyè-Kétu remains culturally seamless. Yoruba language, customs, festivals, and lineage systems are shared. The town stands at a linguistic crossroads where English and French meet administratively, but Yoruba remains dominant socially and spiritually.
A Living Example of Pre-Colonial African Unity
Ìwòyè-Kétu exemplifies how pre-colonial African societies continue to transcend modern borders. Long before Nigeria or Benin existed, the town functioned as a single cultural entity—and it still does.
In an era where borders often define identity, Ìwòyè-Kétu reminds us that history, tradition, and shared ancestry can be stronger than lines drawn on maps.
Sources
Yoruba oral traditions and local historical accounts of Ìwòyè-Kétu
Ogun State local government and cultural heritage records (Imeko/Afon LGA)
Nigerian media reports and cultural features on Ìwòyè-Kétu’s taboos and binational status
Community welcome signage and local testimonies
Cross-border Yoruba history of the Kétu Kingdom (Nigeria–Benin)
Throughout history, in every culture around the world, extraordinary women have pushed society to think bigger, move forward and create.
Emotan is a glowing example of boundless courage and world-changing ingenuity.
Emotan a market woman, single-handedly raised an army and overthrew the illegal regime of Oba Uwaifiokun who usurped his brother and conspired with his chief to kill King Ewuare.
She protected Oba Ewuare in her hut and showed him kindness when he was trying to reclaim his throne back.
Emotan helped install Oba Ewuare the Great, who was the most outstanding Oba in the ancient Benin Kingdom around 1440AD.
Eventually, when Oba Ewuare regained his throne, Emotan became the King’s favourite citizen.
Moreso, her kindness wasn’t restricted to the Oba alone, history tells us that Emotan converted her hut to a crèche to help nursing mothers who patronized her or came to the market for other things.
At that time, her daycare centre was popular in Benin and it can be said authoritatively that she started the first-day care centre in Benin.
After her death, her body was buried at the Oba market at the exact spot where she sold her goods. A tree was planted on her grave and she is being worshipped as the mother of love and kindness
Michael Adekunle Ajasin remains one of the most respected figures in Nigeria’s political and educational history, remembered for his intellectual depth, personal integrity, and unwavering commitment to democratic ideals and public education.
Born on 28 November 1908 in Owo, present-day Ondo State, Ajasin’s early life was shaped by discipline, learning, and service. He attended St. Andrew’s College, Oyo between 1924 and 1927, one of the foremost teacher-training institutions in colonial Nigeria. After qualifying as a teacher, he worked in the profession for several years, laying the foundation for what would become a lifelong dedication to education.
In 1943, Ajasin gained admission to Fourah Bay College, Sierra Leone, then one of the most prestigious higher institutions for Africans in British West Africa. He graduated in June 1946 with a Bachelor of Arts degree in English, Modern History, and Economics. Determined to deepen his professional competence, he proceeded to the Institute of Education, University of London, where he obtained a Postgraduate Diploma in Education in June 1947.
Family Life
Ajasin married Babafunke Tenabe, also a teacher, on 12 January 1939. Their marriage produced four children—two sons and two daughters. One of his daughters, Mrs Olajumoke Anifowoshe, distinguished herself in public service, becoming Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice in Ondo State, further reflecting the family’s strong tradition of civic engagement.
Educational Leadership
On 12 September 1947, Michael Adekunle Ajasin was appointed Principal of Imade College, Owo. His tenure was marked by visionary leadership and an aggressive staff development programme. Notably, he facilitated opportunities for teachers to pursue further training at University College, Ibadan, at a time when such advancement was rare.
In December 1962, Ajasin left Imade College to establish Owo High School, where he served as founder, proprietor, and first principal from January 1963 to August 1975. Under his leadership, the school earned a reputation for academic excellence and discipline, reinforcing his belief that education was the most effective instrument for social transformation.
Political Thought and Early Activism
Ajasin was deeply involved in Nigeria’s nationalist and pre-independence politics. In 1951, he authored a policy paper that later became the education blueprint of the Action Group (AG), boldly advocating free education at all levels. This proposal would later be implemented in Western Nigeria under Chief Obafemi Awolowo and remains one of the most impactful social policies in Nigerian history.
He was among the founders of the Action Group, a party whose ideology centred on immediate independence from Britain, universal healthcare, and the eradication of poverty through sound economic planning. During the 1950s, Ajasin served as National Vice President of the Action Group.
Legislative and Local Government Service
Ajasin’s political career expanded steadily. He became an elected ward councillor, then Chairman of Owo District Council, which covered Owo and surrounding communities such as Idashen, Emure-Ile, Ipele, Arimogija, Ute, Elerenla, and Okeluse.
In 1954, he was elected to the Federal House of Representatives in Lagos, serving as a federal legislator until 1966, when military rule interrupted Nigeria’s First Republic. His years in parliament were characterised by advocacy for education, regional development, and constitutional governance.
Return to Politics and Governorship
In 1976, Ajasin became Chairman of Owo Local Government. With the return to civilian rule, he joined the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), the ideological successor to the Action Group.
In 1979, he was elected Governor of Ondo State, with Akin Omoboriowo as his deputy. His administration prioritised education, rural development, and fiscal discipline. However, political tensions emerged when Omoboriowo defected to the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) and contested the 1983 gubernatorial election against him. Although Omoboriowo was initially declared winner, the results were later annulled, and Ajasin was sworn in for a second term.
His tenure was abruptly terminated by the military coup of 31 December 1983, which brought General Muhammadu Buhari to power.
Integrity and Personal Example
Michael Adekunle Ajasin was widely admired for his personal honesty. Reflecting on his years in office, he famously stated:
“I came into office in October 1979 with a set of my own rich native dresses and left office in December 1983 with the same set of dresses; no addition and no subtraction.”
He further noted that he owned no personal cars upon leaving office, having exhausted the two he had before assuming governorship. This statement has since become a benchmark for ethical leadership in Nigeria.
Pro-Democracy Struggle
In the 1990s, Ajasin emerged as a leading elder statesman within the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), which opposed military dictatorship and demanded the validation of Chief M.K.O. Abiola’s annulled June 12, 1993 presidential mandate.
In 1995, he was arrested by the Abacha military regime, alongside 39 other activists, for participating in what the government termed an illegal political meeting—an episode that underscored his lifelong commitment to democracy and civil liberties.
Educational Legacy
As governor, Ajasin signed into law the establishment of Ondo State University in 1982, located in Ado-Ekiti (now in Ekiti State). In 2000, during the administration of Chief Adebayo Adefarati, a new university in Akungba-Akoko was named Adekunle Ajasin University in his honour. He also played a key role in the establishment of The Polytechnic, Owo.
Michael Adekunle Ajasin stands as a rare example of a Nigerian leader whose intellectual rigour, moral discipline, and public service aligned seamlessly. His legacy lives on through the institutions he built, the policies he shaped, and the enduring example of integrity he set in public life.
Source:
Ondo State Government Historical Records; Nigerian Political Biographies; Action Group Party Archives; Adekunle Ajasin University Documentation