Lifestyle
Oloolu: The Most Feared Masquerade in Ibadan and Yorubaland (PHOTOS)
The Oloolu masquerade occupies a place of singular reverence in Yoruba cultural life, and nowhere is this more pronounced than in the city of Ibadan, where it is hailed as the father of all masquerades. Its origins, however, lie not in Ibadan itself but in the rugged hill town of Ogbagi-Akoko, present-day Ondo State. In the nineteenth century, when Ibadan stood as a formidable military power in Yorubaland, its warriors waged campaigns across vast territories, and among those who marched to battle was the famed Ayorinde Aje, a fearless fighter who fought alongside legendary Ibadan warlords such as Oderinlo, Ogunmola, Ogbori-Efon, and Ibikunle.
During one of these campaigns, the Ibadan forces came against Ogbagi-Akoko, whose most feared protector was not merely a man but a sacred war masquerade known as Oloolu. This figure was no ordinary festival spirit; in Ogbagi, Oloolu was regarded as a living force of war, feared for its supernatural might and invincibility in battle. Warrior after warrior shrank from confronting it, for none could match its power, until Ayorinde Aje stepped forward. In the clash that followed, Ayorinde subdued the bearer of Oloolu, stripped the masquerade of its sacred regalia, and took the custodian prisoner, a victory that would mark the beginning of Oloolu’s journey into Ibadan’s history.
With the war won, Ayorinde ordered that the sacred costume be carried back to Ibadan. The captured custodian was instructed to accompany it, and his wife was commanded to follow. The woman refused outright, and her defiance enraged Ayorinde, who in a moment of wrath beheaded her. He then ordered that her skull be fixed permanently upon the crown of Oloolu’s attire, a grim act that would seal the masquerade’s most enduring taboo. From that moment, women were forbidden to behold Oloolu in person, for the belief took root that any woman who gazed upon it would suffer grave spiritual consequences, her menstrual cycle disrupted, her health broken, or her life cut short. This prohibition has endured to the present day.
The name Oloolu itself, as preserved in the oral accounts of the Aje family (the hereditary custodians of the masquerade) derives from a warning uttered by the captured custodian when Ayorinde approached the shrine in Ogbagi where the regalia was kept. He cautioned the warrior that “o lu nkan,” meaning “you will put your life in peril,” if he came too close. Ayorinde heeded the warning but nevertheless ordered the regalia taken to Ibadan, along with its bearer and the skull of the executed woman.
When Oloolu first appeared in Ibadan, the city was in the grip of famine, sickness, and unrest. The chiefs and elders sought remedies without success until Ayorinde proposed that Oloolu be used in a ritual to appease the gods. The masquerade was brought out with offerings and sacrifices, and according to tradition, rain fell soon after, the famine eased, and peace returned. From that day, Oloolu was no longer merely a war trophy but a sacred presence in Ibadan’s spiritual life, invoked in times of need and celebrated as a bringer of blessings, fertility, and protection.
The Oloolu festival, held once each year in the month of July, is the single moment when this fearsome figure moves openly through the streets. Its appearance is shrouded in awe and strict ritual law. It is believed that the first person Oloolu sees on his initial outing each year will fall fatally ill unless swift and costly rites are performed. No other masquerade dares to share the streets with him; as preserved in oral accounts, in the reign of Olubadan Dada, an egungun known as Iponri-Iku attempted it and paid with his life after Oloolu challenged him to pick up a cowry imbued with mystical force. The challenger’s backbone snapped instantly, and he died before the day was done. Communities that have confronted Oloolu in defiance, such as the Opopo Yeosa district, are said to have suffered repeated bloodshed thereafter.
Physically, Oloolu’s appearance is unlike any other egungun. The costume forms a towering, elongated pyramid stitched from multicoloured cloth and netting, crowned with the bleached skull of the beheaded woman. The bearer never wears shoes, must abstain from marital relations for a full month before the festival, and, in the days before Oloolu emerges, all women must leave his household. He must not carry a child upon his shoulders during the festival period, nor bear any load upon his head.
As he moves through Ibadan accompanied by the deep, hypnotic rhythm of his drummers, the skull atop his crown sways with every step, a constant reminder of the story that gave birth to the most feared masquerade in the city’s history.
Though dreaded for his power to kill or curse, Oloolu is also revered as a source of good fortune. Those who serve him faithfully speak of children granted to the barren, businesses made prosperous, and lives protected from harm. Yet the respect he commands is inseparable from the fear he inspires, for in Ibadan’s cultural memory, Oloolu is both a divine benefactor and a reminder of the city’s warrior past, a living link to the time when Ibadan’s might was measured not only in the strength of its armies but in the sacred power it could command.
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Lifestyle
Freedom fighter Major Isaac Jasper Adaka Boro (Sept 10, 1938 – May 9, 1968) was a man ahead of his time.
Before Ojukwu, there was Boro. Before Biafra, there was the Niger Delta Republic.
A chemistry undergraduate and student union president at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Boro abandoned his studies to lead an armed protest against the exploitation of oil and gas in the Niger Delta — wealth that mainly benefited the Federal Government and Eastern Region, while his people got nothing.
He formed the Niger Delta Volunteer Force and, on Feb 23, 1966, declared the Niger Delta Republic. For 12 days, his militia — mostly fellow Ijaws — fought federal forces before being defeated. He and his men were jailed for treason by Gen. Aguiyi-Ironsi’s government.
Even when his father, a respected educationist, offered to sponsor him abroad rather than see him take up arms, Boro refused, saying:
“The Ijaws were going into perpetual bondage; if we do not strike now, not only our families but also the entire Ijaws would be infernally chained.”
On the day of his declaration, he told his comrades:
“Today is a great day… Remember your 70-year-old grandmother who still farms before she eats; remember your poverty-stricken people; remember your petroleum pumped daily from your veins — and fight for your freedom. Before today, we were branded robbers, terrorists, gangsters… but after today, we shall be heroes of our land.”
Ironically, Boro later fought on the Nigerian side during the Civil War against Biafra. He died in active service on May 9, 1968, at Ogu, Rivers State, under mysterious circumstances — aged just 29.
A revolutionary spirit forever etched in Niger Delta history. ✊🏾
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Lifestyle
Brigadier Joshua Nimyel Dogonyaro’s Coup Speech Following the Overthrow of Major General Muhammadu Buhari on August 27, 1985
Brigadier Joshua Dogonyaro was the first to announce the success of the coup which displaced Major General Muhammadu Buhari in a nationwide radio broadcast over the Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria. He made the announcement on behalf of the Armed Forces Ruling Council.
Excerpt from his broadcast:
“I, Brigadier Joshua Nimyel Dogonyaro, of the Nigerian Army, address you this morning on behalf of the members of the Armed Forces Ruling Council.
Fellow countrymen, the intervention of the military at the end of 1983 was welcomed by the nation with unprecedented enthusiasm. Nigerians were unified in accepting the intervention and looked forward hopefully to progressive changes for the better. Almost two years later, it has become clear that the fulfillment of expectations is not forthcoming.
Because this generation of Nigerians, and indeed future generations, have no other country but Nigeria, we could not stay passive and watch a small group of individuals misuse power to the detriment of our national aspirations and interest.
No nation can ever achieve meaningful strides in its development where there is an absence of cohesion in the hierarchy of government; where it has become clear that positive action by the policymakers is hindered because, as a body, it lacks a unity of purpose.
It is evident that the nation would be endangered with the risk of continuous misdirection. We are presently confronted with that danger. In such a situation, if action can be taken to arrest further damage, it should and must be taken. This is precisely what we have done.
The Nigerian public has been made to believe that the slow pace of action of the Federal Government headed by Major General Muhammadu Buhari was due to the enormity of the problems left by the last civilian administration.
Although it is true that a lot of problems were left behind by the last civilian government, the real reason, however, for the very slow pace of action is the lack of unanimity of purpose among the ruling body; subsequently, the business of governance has gradually been subjected to ill-motivated power-play considerations. The ruling body, the Supreme Military Council, has, therefore, progressively been made redundant by the actions of a select few members charged with the day-to-day implementation of the SMC’s policies and decisions.
The concept of collective leadership has been substituted by stubborn and ill-advised unilateral actions, thereby destroying the principles upon which the government came to power. Any effort made to advise the leadership met with stubborn resistance and was viewed as a challenge to authority or disloyalty.
Thus, the scene was being set for the systematic elimination of what was termed ‘oppositions’. All the energies of the rulership were directed at this imaginary opposition rather than to effective leadership.
The result of this misdirected effort is now very evident in the country as a whole. The government has started to drift. The economy does not seem to be getting any better as we witness daily increased inflation.
The nation’s meagre resources are once again being wasted on unproductive ventures. Government has distanced itself from the people, and the yearnings and aspirations of the people, as constantly reflected in the media, have been ignored.
This is because a few people have arrogated to themselves the right to make the decisions for the larger part of the ruling body. All these events have shown that the present composition of our country’s leadership cannot, therefore, justify its continued occupation of that position.
Furthermore, the initial objectives and programmes of action which were meant to have been implemented since the ascension to power of the Buhari Administration in January 1984 have been betrayed and discarded. The present state of uncertainty and stagnation cannot be permitted to degenerate into suppression and retrogression.
We feel duty bound to use the resources and means at our disposal to restore hope in the minds of Nigerians and renew aspirations for a better future. We are no prophets of doom for our beloved country, Nigeria. We, therefore, count on everyone’s cooperation and assistance.
I appeal to you, fellow countrymen, particularly my colleagues in arms, to refrain from any act that will lead to unnecessary violence and bloodshed among us. Rest assured that our action is in the interest of the nation and the Armed Forces.
In order to enable a new order to be introduced, the following bodies are dissolved forthwith pending further announcements:
(a) The Supreme Military Council
(b) The Federal Executive Council
(c) The National Council of States.
All seaports and airports are closed; all borders remain closed.
Finally, a dusk-to-dawn curfew is hereby imposed in Lagos and all state capitals until further notice. All local military commanders will ensure the effective maintenance of law and order.
Further announcements will be made in due course.
God bless Nigeria.”
BEHIND THE COUP
The successful execution of the coup was not the work of a few officers. It was a complex operation involving layers of strategic planning, operational command, and tactical execution, backed by wide institutional support across the Nigerian Army.
At its core, the operation was directed by high-ranking officers, while its success depended on broad coordination from middle-level commanders and vital contributions from non-commissioned officers, especially within the Armoured Corps.
Strategic Commanders and Principal Actors (Planning & Oversight)
1. Major General Ibrahim Babangida – Chief of Army Staff (COAS); coup’s principal architect
2. Major General Sani Abacha – GOC, 2nd Mechanised Division, Ibadan
3. Brigadier Joshua Nimyel Dogonyaro – Voice of the coup announcement
4. Colonel Aliyu Mohammed Gusau – Former Director, Defence Intelligence Agency
5. Lt. Col. Halilu Akilu – Director of Military Intelligence
6. Lt. Col. Tanko Ayuba – Commander, Corps of Signals
7. Lt. Col. David Mark – Military Governor, Niger State
8. Lt. Col. John Nanzip Shagaya – Commander, 9th Mechanised Brigade
9. Lt. Col. Chris Abutu Garuba – Commander, 34 Self-Propelled Artillery Brigade, Jos
10. Lt. Col. Raji Alagbe Rasaki – Commanding Officer, Army HQ Garrison and Signals Group, Lagos
11. Colonel Anthony Ukpo – Deputy Director, Defence Intelligence Agency, Lagos
12. Major John Madaki – Commanding Officer, 123 Guards Battalion, Ikeja
13. Major Abdulmumini Aminu – Military Assistant to the COAS
14. Major Lawan Gwadabe – Returned from Fort Knox, reassigned to 245 Recce Battalion
15. Major Abubakar Dangiwa Umar – Armour HQ; later Chairman, Federal Housing Authority
16. Major Mohammed Sambo Dasuki – HQ Corps of Artillery; son of Alhaji Ibrahim Dasuki
17. Major Maxwell Khobe – CO, 245 Recce Battalion, Ikeja
18. Major U.K. Bello – CO, 202 Recce Battalion, Kaduna
19. Major Kefas Happy Bulus – CO, Armour HQ Company, Ikeja
20. Major Sule Ahman – Supply & Transport, Ikeja
21. Major Musa Shehu – Deputy CO, Recce Battalion, Jos
22. Captain Nuhu Umaru – Deputy CO, 202 Recce Battalion, Kaduna
Operational Support: Key Field and Company Grade Officers
1. Lt. Col. Ahmed Daku
2. Lt. Col. Abubakar Dada
3. Major I.B. Aboho
4. Major Friday Ichide – Staff Officer to Col. Dogonyaro
5. Major Simon Hart
6. Captain M. Bashir – Lagos operations
7. Major S.B. Mepaiyeda
8. Captain Victor Scott Kure – Personal security to the COAS
Non-Commissioned Officers of the Armoured Corps (Mobilisation in Lagos)
1. WOII Sule Ayinla
2. WOII Billy Adekunle
3. WOII Army Sweet
4. WOII Yerima
5. Staff Sergeant Bazaria Kabara
6. Sergeant Hitler Bongo
7. Corporal Sule Owoicho
Passive Support and Sympathetic Senior Officers (Non-operational but non-hostile)
1. Brigadier Peter Ademokhai – Director of Army Staff Duties and Plans
2. Brigadier Abdullahi Bagudu Mamman – Director of Army Training and Operations
3. Brigadier Y.Y. Kure – GOC, 82 Division, Enugu
4. Brigadier Ola Oni – GOC, 1st Division, Kaduna
5. Lt. Col. John Inienger – CO, 4th Mechanised Brigade, Benin
6. Lt. Col. Tunji Olurin – CO, 1st Mechanised Brigade, Minna
7. Lt. Col. A. Abubakar – CO, 3rd Mechanised Brigade, Kano
Military Governors Who Encouraged the Coup (Political weight, not operational)
1. Brigadier Garba Duba – Governor, Sokoto State
2. Brigadier I.O.S. Nwachukwu – Governor, Imo State
3. Brigadier Jeremiah Useni – Governor, Bendel State
Buhari & Idiagbon Loyalists
1. Major General Muhammadu Buhari – Commander-in-Chief
2. Major General Tunde Idiagbon – Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters
3. Major General Mohammed Magoro – Minister of Internal Affairs
4. Alhaji Rafindadi – Director-General, Nigerian Security Organisation (NSO)
5. Lt. Col. Sabo Aliyu – Commander, Brigade of Guards
6. Major Mustapha Haruna Jokolo – ADC to the C-in-C
Neutralised Loyalists in Early Hours of the Coup
1. Brigadier Salihu Ibrahim – GOC, 3rd Armoured Division, Jos
2. Unnamed CO, Recce Battalion, Jos
Source: NIGERIA: The Palace Coup of August 27, 1985 — Part I by Nowa Omoigui, MD, MPH, FACC
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The Ghanaian Economic and Organised Crime Office, in collaboration with the United States Federal Bureau of Investigation and the United States Justice Department, has revealed that it has seized a luxury vehicle, a 2019 Lamborghini Urus, from Ghanaian dancehall artiste, Charles Armah, popularly known as Shatta Wale.
In a press statement issued on Tuesday by the acting Executive Director of the agency, Raymond Archer, and shared on X by Ghanaian TV station, Joy News, EOCO disclosed that the operation followed a request from the FBI and the US Justice Department in 2023, which culminated in a lawful search of the rapper’s apartment at Trassaco Valley Phase 1 in Accra, Ghana.
The search was carried out by EOCO’s Surveillance and Asset Recovery Unit, leading to the discovery and seizure of a 2019 Lamborghini Urus. According to the statement, US authorities have linked the vehicle to criminal proceeds of one Nana Kwabena Amuah, currently serving an 86-month sentence for financial crimes in the United States.
“In June this year, the Economic and Organised Crime Office, acting on a 2023 request from the Federal Bureau of Investigations (FBI) and the United States Justice Department, undertook an operation which led to a lawful search in a home at Trassaco Valley Phase 1, in Accra.
“The operation which was undertaken by the Surveillance And Asset Recovery Unit (SARU) of EOCO led to the discovery and seizure of a 2019 Lamborghini Urus which the the FBI and the Justice Department have tied to the proceeds of the criminal enterprise of one Nana Kwabena Amuah who is currently serving an 86 month sentence for several financial crimes in the US”, the statement partly read.
According to the statement, the vehicle was reportedly found in the possession of Shatta Wale, who was allowed to voluntarily surrender the car to EOCO operatives.
“The car was seized from one Charles Nii Armah, aka Shatta Wale. The officers were professional and civil, and the search and seizure occurred without incident. Nii Armah had pleaded with officers that he did not want the seizure to be made public because the vehicle was a big part of his brand, and that if his supporters saw the vehicle being driven away in the company of EOCO, it would destroy his brand. Nii Armah was allowed to surrender the vehicle himself, which is currently in the possession of EOCO”, the statement explained.
The agency also explained that SARU officers were armed during the operation, describing it as standard safety protocol. “It is a standard safety protocol practice for officers of the Surveillance and Asset Recovery Unit (SARU) to carry weapons whilst on operation for the safety of officers”, the statement added.
EOCO explained that further steps are being taken by US authorities to repatriate the seized car as part of the restitution owed by Amuah.
The anti-graft agency also revealed that Shatta Wale and a former senior officer of the National Signal Bureau (NSB) are being investigated in connection with the case.
It said, “The FBI and the Justice Department intend to send a formal Mutual Legal Assistance (MLA) to the Government of Ghana to return the car to the United States as part of Nana Kwabena Amuah’s $4,743,443 restitution. Charles Nii Armah, aka Shatta Wale and a former senior officer of the National Signal Bureau (NSB), have been assessed as persons of interest and will be invited by EOCO to assist in further ongoing investigations in the coming days.”
The agency also confirmed that a final report may be submitted to the FBI and the US Justice Department as part of their collaborative efforts. “EOCO may share the final investigations report to the FBI and the Justice Department as part of our ongoing cooperation”, the statement concluded.
The controversial rapper had earlier posted a disturbing message on his Facebook book page, condemning the EOCO boss for storming his apartment with armed operatives of the agency. He wrote, “Raymond Archer, EOCO Boss, Ibe, you go make NDC go out of power next 4 years. Bringing guns to my house was uncalled for.”
In another post, he wrote, “EOCO boss, the president of Ghana didn’t put you in that office to come and humiliate the citizens of this country. Remember, God no sleep.”
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