In April 1978, a wave of student-led protests swept across Nigerian universities in what is still regarded as the most iconic student demonstration in the nation’s history — the Ali Must Go protest.
It all began with a government policy to increase the cost of student meals in federal universities from ₦1.50 to ₦2.00 per day, a seemingly small 50 kobo increment. But in the economic climate of the time, that adjustment sparked outrage. The move was perceived not just as insensitive but as part of a broader pattern of neglect and disregard for students’ welfare.
At the centre of the controversy was Colonel (Dr.) Ahmadu Ali, then Nigeria’s Federal Commissioner (Minister) for Education. Although he repeatedly claimed that the price hike came from the Supreme Military Council and not his ministry, students across the country held him directly responsible. They demanded his resignation, and their rallying chant “Ali Must Go!” soon echoed in every university and major city across the country.
The National Union of Nigerian Students (NUNS), led at the time by its president, Segun Okeowo, took up the issue with urgency. The union held emergency congresses across various universities where student leaders resolved to mobilize against the policy. The first major demonstration erupted at the University of Lagos, where the police clashed with unarmed students. In the chaos, one student was shot in the leg. Tragedy followed when he was taken to both LUTH and the Igbobi Orthopaedic Hospital, and was allegedly denied treatment. He bled to death. That moment deeply enraged the student community and galvanized a national movement.
The slain UNILAG student was later identified as Akintunde Ojo, one of several casualties the nation would witness in what became a dark moment in Nigeria’s educational and civic history.
Okeowo wasted no time. He reached out to his counterparts at the University of Ibadan, Ahmadu Bello University Zaria, the University of Nigeria Nsukka, the University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University), the University of Benin, and the University of Calabar, calling for immediate action. The protests spread rapidly. Students boycotted classes, barricaded streets, held mass rallies, and staged symbolic events, including mock funerals to honor the slain UNILAG student. Across the country, tension escalated.
In Zaria, things turned deadly. At Ahmadu Bello University, Nigerian soldiers opened fire on protesting students. Reports indicated that at least eight young people were killed between the 18th and 20th of April, 1978. Among them were Nicholas Amai, Mohammed Najib Daura, Gwusu Khasai, and Nbbu Amuda Yusuf, all students of ABU. Another victim, Lasisi Abubakar, was reportedly a primary school pupil in Samaru, caught in the violence. A pregnant housewife, Mrs. Arike Balogun, was also killed near UNILAG, and in Ile-Ife, an unnamed secondary school student lost his life. The toll was devastating, and by many accounts, ten lives were lost during the protest.
The military’s use of live ammunition on unarmed students caused national outrage. Rather than back down, the students became even more resolute. For more than a week, they confronted the police and army in pitched standoffs, refusing to be intimidated by bullets or tear gas. The students’ courage exposed the brutality of military rule and challenged the image of an all-powerful state.
Despite growing public sympathy, the media’s ability to report the full scale of the protest was severely limited. Under tight government control, newspapers were censored, and many portrayed the students as troublemakers and agitators threatening public order. But word spread underground through handwritten memos, phone calls, leaflets, and solidarity letters delivered from campus to campus. The students’ organizing efforts, without the benefit of social media or modern communication tools, were swift, disciplined, and remarkably effective.
The government eventually responded with brute force. All institutions of higher learning were highly assaulted by the regime of General Olusegun Obasanjo. All federal universities were shut down. NUNS was banned. Student leaders were targeted for punishment. Segun Okeowo, along with Ekpein Appah (President, UNIBEN), Offiong Aqua (President, UNICAL), and Bukar Mbaha (President, ABU), were expelled and blacklisted.
The crackdown extended beyond students. Lecturers who were perceived to be sympathetic to the students’ cause were dismissed. These included Comrade Ola Oni, Dr. Bade Onimode, Dr. Omafume Onoge, Dr. Wale Adeniran, and Dr. Akin Ojo, all from the University of Ibadan. At the Polytechnic Ibadan, Comrade Laoye Sanda was sacked. At the University of Calabar, Mrs. Bede Madunagu and Dr. Eddie Madunagu were also dismissed. Even two of the country’s most respected vice chancellors, Professor J. F. Ade Ajayi of UNILAG and Professor Iya Abubakar of ABU were compulsorily retired by Obasanjo’s regime.
One of the leader of student welfare, Comrade Ebenezer Babatope (Ebino Topsy), who served as the Students’ Welfare Officer at UNILAG, was also removed. Dr. Ladipo Sogbetun, Senior Medical Officer at the same institution, was compulsorily retired. The repression even extended to the press. Bassey Ekpo Bassey, then Political Editor of the Nigerian Chronicle, was dismissed for his coverage of the crisis.
The great Gani Fawehinmi, who stood firmly on the side of the students, defending them in court and offering both legal and moral support, was arrested, beaten, and detained at Inter-Centre. He was charged to court but eventually discharged and acquitted. His role in the crisis further cemented his place in history as a tireless defender of civil rights and academic freedom.
Though the policy on meal subsidies was never reversed, the protest succeeded in rattling the regime and igniting a new generation of politically conscious students. Although some of the affected students were later readmitted after losing semesters, and some of the lecturers were eventually reinstated after years, the damage done to Nigeria’s educational institutions was long-lasting and, in many ways, irreversible.
To this day, the exact number of students killed during the Ali Must Go protest remains contested. But what is clear is that they were not just statistics, they were victims of state violence, martyrs of Nigerian youth activism. Their names may not be carved in stone, but they live in memory, passed on from generation to generation.
Segun Okeowo, who led the movement and bore the brunt of the state’s punishment, later became a respected educationist and principal in Ogun State. Until his death in 2014, he remained proud of what he had done. In an interview years later, he said, “It was a struggle for justice. If the system fails the people, the people must speak. We spoke — loudly.”
The Ali Must Go protest marked a turning point in Nigerian history. It showed that the youth, united by a cause, could challenge even a military regime. It laid the foundation for future movements like the rebirth of student unionism with the formation of NANS in 1980, to later uprisings like the fuel subsidy protests, the June 12 struggle, and even EndSARS protest. It also etched the phrase “Ali Must Go” into Nigerian political language, a lasting metaphor for resistance against poor leadership and tone-deaf policies.
Though the students of 1978 were silenced by force, their actions shook the country to its core. Their courage, their sacrifice, and their unwavering demand for justice must never be forgotten.
Nollywood icon Genevieve Nnaji has fired off a sharp response after a man on X (formerly Twitter) advised Igbo men to stop marrying Igbo women and instead seek wives from other African countries.
The controversy began after a photo of a Rwandan woman said to be engaged to an Anambra man went viral.
Resharing the image, the user wrote, “Dear Igbo men, instead of marrying an Igbo woman who’ll falsely accuse you of r4ping your daughter, better look outside for a wife.
“Go to East Africa, especially Rwanda, and pick a damsel. They’re all over social media, and you can link up with them.”
Genevieve, who rarely comments on online drama, responded, “In other words, instead of checking yourself and taking accountability, go for the unsuspecting and carry on with your evil. Got it.”
Another user attempted to challenge her, claiming the original tweet was aimed at “false rape accusers” and that Genevieve was avoiding the real issue.
“His tweet was clearly against false rape accusers, but instead of holding the evil women accountable and demanding change, you chose to tweet this?”
But the actress hit back with equal clarity: “The same way a woman can’t tell an abusive man apart from a good one is the same way you shouldn’t say avoid all Igbo women. ‘Not all women’.”
Reality TV star Phyna has offered words of encouragement to fellow Big Brother Naija winner Imisi amid a family feud between the latter and her mother.
In an X post on Monday, Phyna wrote,”To Imisi, @imisiofficial and to anyone walking through the same fire… I’m praying for your strength.
“My own experience broke me, but I’m slowly rising.
“And I’m rooting for you with everything in me, don’t handle it like I did, build strong and focus on you baby girl.”
The post comes against the backdrop of a family dispute in which Imisi’s mother accused her daughter of hatred and revealed the poor condition of the home where she currently lives, despite Imisi winning N150 million after her Big Brother victory.
Imisi replied in Yoruba,”This is why Aunty Debola said you should not show your face to the world. I can’t be saying all that now, you are in the midst of people. Just overlook everything and leave social media.
“Don’t worry, I will send you money to rent a new house. I am tired of all this drama. I am still recovering from the stress of Big Brother.
“Should I be facing another stress now? Please forgive me, I am your daughter.”
Recall Imisi’s mother has publicly expressed frustration on social media, saying she does not need her daughter’s money after being sidelined following the win.
She also blamed Imisi for recounting her childhood experiences, which she claims involve untrue allegations of parental neglect and sexual assault.
In a video, she showed the old house she currently resides in, saying she is content with her situation, a revelation that sparked online controversy.
In 2023, after Phyna’s BBNaija win, her father, Felix Otabor, revealed in an interview that he was distressed by his daughter’s actions following her BBNaija win.
Otabor said Phyna had asked him to stop working as a hearse driver and requested that he sell his cars, promising to improve the family’s life.
He said he later struggled financially after selling the vehicles, losing his business momentum and community position, and has not seen his daughter since her victory.
He described feeling sidelined while she enjoyed her wealth.
Nollywood actress, Regina Daniels, has opened up about her marriage to her estranged husband, Senator Ned Nwoko.
It was reports that the embattled wife revealed why their seven-year relationship remained faithful despite his polygamous lifestyle.
In a reply to a comment on her Instagram page, Daniels said that during their years together, Nwoko never slept with other women outside their home because she held him well in the other room.
She wrote: “Yes i think he loved me but a toxic one! Because tell me why a polygamous man forgot what it meant to be in polygamy, except for the media.
“Just because it boosted his ego of being seen with multiple women which is easy by me because anyone that sees a man as an odogwu sees the wife as what? He basically had to beg that he share days at ours and other days with his other wives because they begged for his attention.
“Y’all should pls forget this yeye social media comparison because my ex man never slept outside one day in our 7 years of marriage. You know why? Because as a delta babe, I hold am well for the other room ladies use your skills that’s all men want actually!”
