Connect with us

Lifestyle

ALI MUST GO! Nigeria Students Protest, 1978 (PHOTOS)

Published

on

In April 1978, a wave of student-led protests swept across Nigerian universities in what is still regarded as the most iconic student demonstration in the nation’s history — the Ali Must Go protest.

It all began with a government policy to increase the cost of student meals in federal universities from ₦1.50 to ₦2.00 per day, a seemingly small 50 kobo increment. But in the economic climate of the time, that adjustment sparked outrage. The move was perceived not just as insensitive but as part of a broader pattern of neglect and disregard for students’ welfare.

At the centre of the controversy was Colonel (Dr.) Ahmadu Ali, then Nigeria’s Federal Commissioner (Minister) for Education. Although he repeatedly claimed that the price hike came from the Supreme Military Council and not his ministry, students across the country held him directly responsible. They demanded his resignation, and their rallying chant “Ali Must Go!” soon echoed in every university and major city across the country.

The National Union of Nigerian Students (NUNS), led at the time by its president, Segun Okeowo, took up the issue with urgency. The union held emergency congresses across various universities where student leaders resolved to mobilize against the policy. The first major demonstration erupted at the University of Lagos, where the police clashed with unarmed students. In the chaos, one student was shot in the leg. Tragedy followed when he was taken to both LUTH and the Igbobi Orthopaedic Hospital, and was allegedly denied treatment. He bled to death. That moment deeply enraged the student community and galvanized a national movement.

The slain UNILAG student was later identified as Akintunde Ojo, one of several casualties the nation would witness in what became a dark moment in Nigeria’s educational and civic history.
Okeowo wasted no time. He reached out to his counterparts at the University of Ibadan, Ahmadu Bello University Zaria, the University of Nigeria Nsukka, the University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University), the University of Benin, and the University of Calabar, calling for immediate action. The protests spread rapidly. Students boycotted classes, barricaded streets, held mass rallies, and staged symbolic events, including mock funerals to honor the slain UNILAG student. Across the country, tension escalated.

See also  Ladoja crowned 44th Olubadan, set to receive staff of office

In Zaria, things turned deadly. At Ahmadu Bello University, Nigerian soldiers opened fire on protesting students. Reports indicated that at least eight young people were killed between the 18th and 20th of April, 1978. Among them were Nicholas Amai, Mohammed Najib Daura, Gwusu Khasai, and Nbbu Amuda Yusuf, all students of ABU. Another victim, Lasisi Abubakar, was reportedly a primary school pupil in Samaru, caught in the violence. A pregnant housewife, Mrs. Arike Balogun, was also killed near UNILAG, and in Ile-Ife, an unnamed secondary school student lost his life. The toll was devastating, and by many accounts, ten lives were lost during the protest.

The military’s use of live ammunition on unarmed students caused national outrage. Rather than back down, the students became even more resolute. For more than a week, they confronted the police and army in pitched standoffs, refusing to be intimidated by bullets or tear gas. The students’ courage exposed the brutality of military rule and challenged the image of an all-powerful state.

Despite growing public sympathy, the media’s ability to report the full scale of the protest was severely limited. Under tight government control, newspapers were censored, and many portrayed the students as troublemakers and agitators threatening public order. But word spread underground through handwritten memos, phone calls, leaflets, and solidarity letters delivered from campus to campus. The students’ organizing efforts, without the benefit of social media or modern communication tools, were swift, disciplined, and remarkably effective.

The government eventually responded with brute force. All institutions of higher learning were highly assaulted by the regime of General Olusegun Obasanjo. All federal universities were shut down. NUNS was banned. Student leaders were targeted for punishment. Segun Okeowo, along with Ekpein Appah (President, UNIBEN), Offiong Aqua (President, UNICAL), and Bukar Mbaha (President, ABU), were expelled and blacklisted.

See also  Childhood and Communication in Colonial Lagos: A Glimpse Through a Post Box

The crackdown extended beyond students. Lecturers who were perceived to be sympathetic to the students’ cause were dismissed. These included Comrade Ola Oni, Dr. Bade Onimode, Dr. Omafume Onoge, Dr. Wale Adeniran, and Dr. Akin Ojo, all from the University of Ibadan. At the Polytechnic Ibadan, Comrade Laoye Sanda was sacked. At the University of Calabar, Mrs. Bede Madunagu and Dr. Eddie Madunagu were also dismissed. Even two of the country’s most respected vice chancellors, Professor J. F. Ade Ajayi of UNILAG and Professor Iya Abubakar of ABU were compulsorily retired by Obasanjo’s regime.

One of the leader of student welfare, Comrade Ebenezer Babatope (Ebino Topsy), who served as the Students’ Welfare Officer at UNILAG, was also removed. Dr. Ladipo Sogbetun, Senior Medical Officer at the same institution, was compulsorily retired. The repression even extended to the press. Bassey Ekpo Bassey, then Political Editor of the Nigerian Chronicle, was dismissed for his coverage of the crisis.

The great Gani Fawehinmi, who stood firmly on the side of the students, defending them in court and offering both legal and moral support, was arrested, beaten, and detained at Inter-Centre. He was charged to court but eventually discharged and acquitted. His role in the crisis further cemented his place in history as a tireless defender of civil rights and academic freedom.

Though the policy on meal subsidies was never reversed, the protest succeeded in rattling the regime and igniting a new generation of politically conscious students. Although some of the affected students were later readmitted after losing semesters, and some of the lecturers were eventually reinstated after years, the damage done to Nigeria’s educational institutions was long-lasting and, in many ways, irreversible.

See also  Toke Makinwa’s baby bump triggers questions about lover’s identity

To this day, the exact number of students killed during the Ali Must Go protest remains contested. But what is clear is that they were not just statistics, they were victims of state violence, martyrs of Nigerian youth activism. Their names may not be carved in stone, but they live in memory, passed on from generation to generation.

Segun Okeowo, who led the movement and bore the brunt of the state’s punishment, later became a respected educationist and principal in Ogun State. Until his death in 2014, he remained proud of what he had done. In an interview years later, he said, “It was a struggle for justice. If the system fails the people, the people must speak. We spoke — loudly.”

The Ali Must Go protest marked a turning point in Nigerian history. It showed that the youth, united by a cause, could challenge even a military regime. It laid the foundation for future movements like the rebirth of student unionism with the formation of NANS in 1980, to later uprisings like the fuel subsidy protests, the June 12 struggle, and even EndSARS protest. It also etched the phrase “Ali Must Go” into Nigerian political language, a lasting metaphor for resistance against poor leadership and tone-deaf policies.

Though the students of 1978 were silenced by force, their actions shook the country to its core. Their courage, their sacrifice, and their unwavering demand for justice must never be forgotten.

FOLLOW US ON:

FACEBOOK

TWITTER

PINTEREST

TIKTOK

YOUTUBE

LINKEDIN

TUMBLR

INSTAGRAM

Continue Reading
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Lifestyle

Ìwòyè-Kétu: The Yoruba Town That Spans Two Nations and Lives by Ancient Taboos

Published

on

Ìwòyè-Kétu is one of the most remarkable Yoruba communities in West Africa, not only for its deep-rooted traditions but also for its unique geopolitical identity. The ancient town straddles two modern nation-states—Nigeria and the Republic of Benin—yet remains culturally, spiritually, and traditionally unified as one Yoruba settlement.

A Town Without Borders in Spirit

Geographically, Ìwòyè-Kétu is primarily located in Imeko/Afon Local Government Area of Ogun State, Nigeria, while its western section lies across the international boundary in the Republic of Benin. This border, imposed during the colonial partition of Africa, cuts through the town but has failed to divide its people.

Families live on both sides of the boundary, speak the same Yoruba dialect, observe the same customs, and recognise one traditional authority. Daily life reflects this dual reality: residents freely transact using both the Nigerian naira and the West African CFA franc, depending on location and convenience.

Unified Kingship Across Nigeria and Benin

Despite existing in two countries, Ìwòyè-Kétu is governed traditionally by one paramount ruler. The recognised monarch is:

His Royal Majesty Oba (Sir) Isaac Adegbenro Oyero,
the Ooye of Ìwòyè-Kétu, also styled Adekilúrójú – Ada Páàkó II.

His authority is acknowledged by the community on both sides of the border, making Ìwòyè-Kétu a rare example of a binational Yoruba town under a single royal institution.

Origins in Ile-Ife

According to Yoruba oral tradition, Ìwòyè-Kétu was founded by Olúmu (or Olómù), a legendary migrant from Ilé-Ifẹ̀, the spiritual homeland of the Yoruba people. Like many Yoruba settlements, its founding narrative emphasises migration from Ife, reinforcing the town’s ancient roots within the broader Yoruba civilisational story.

See also  Chief Bola Ige on Awolowo's integrity and desire to work with Igbo & the betrayal by Igbo leaders

Ìwòyè-Kétu forms part of the historic Kétu region, once a powerful Yoruba kingdom before European colonial boundaries fragmented it between British-ruled Nigeria and French-ruled Dahomey (now Benin).

Sacred Taboos That Still Govern Daily Life

Ìwòyè-Kétu is widely known for its strict traditional prohibitions, which continue to be enforced by custom and belief:

Use of umbrellas is strictly forbidden anywhere within the town.

Rearing pigs is prohibited, and pork is traditionally avoided.

In some oral accounts, digging wells is either forbidden or tightly regulated.

These taboos are believed to be tied to ancestral covenants, spiritual agreements, and the town’s founding myths. Violations are traditionally thought to invite misfortune, reinforcing collective adherence across generations.

Language, Culture, and Continuity

Despite the Nigeria–Benin divide, Ìwòyè-Kétu remains culturally seamless. Yoruba language, customs, festivals, and lineage systems are shared. The town stands at a linguistic crossroads where English and French meet administratively, but Yoruba remains dominant socially and spiritually.

A Living Example of Pre-Colonial African Unity

Ìwòyè-Kétu exemplifies how pre-colonial African societies continue to transcend modern borders. Long before Nigeria or Benin existed, the town functioned as a single cultural entity—and it still does.
In an era where borders often define identity, Ìwòyè-Kétu reminds us that history, tradition, and shared ancestry can be stronger than lines drawn on maps.

Sources

Yoruba oral traditions and local historical accounts of Ìwòyè-Kétu

Ogun State local government and cultural heritage records (Imeko/Afon LGA)

Nigerian media reports and cultural features on Ìwòyè-Kétu’s taboos and binational status

Community welcome signage and local testimonies

Cross-border Yoruba history of the Kétu Kingdom (Nigeria–Benin)

See also  Ladoja crowned 44th Olubadan, set to receive staff of office

FOLLOW US ON:

FACEBOOK

TWITTER

PINTEREST

TIKTOK

YOUTUBE

LINKEDIN

TUMBLR

INSTAGRAM

Continue Reading

Lifestyle

Emotan; The Benin Heroine (PHOTOS)

Published

on

Throughout history, in every culture around the world, extraordinary women have pushed society to think bigger, move forward and create.

Emotan is a glowing example of boundless courage and world-changing ingenuity.

Emotan a market woman, single-handedly raised an army and overthrew the illegal regime of Oba Uwaifiokun who usurped his brother and conspired with his chief to kill King Ewuare.

She protected Oba Ewuare in her hut and showed him kindness when he was trying to reclaim his throne back.

Emotan helped install Oba Ewuare the Great, who was the most outstanding Oba in the ancient Benin Kingdom around 1440AD.

Eventually, when Oba Ewuare regained his throne, Emotan became the King’s favourite citizen.

Moreso, her kindness wasn’t restricted to the Oba alone, history tells us that Emotan converted her hut to a crèche to help nursing mothers who patronized her or came to the market for other things.

At that time, her daycare centre was popular in Benin and it can be said authoritatively that she started the first-day care centre in Benin.

After her death, her body was buried at the Oba market at the exact spot where she sold her goods. A tree was planted on her grave and she is being worshipped as the mother of love and kindness

Source: Benin achive

FOLLOW US ON:

FACEBOOK

TWITTER

PINTEREST

TIKTOK

YOUTUBE

LINKEDIN

TUMBLR

INSTAGRAM

See also  Chief Bola Ige on Awolowo's integrity and desire to work with Igbo & the betrayal by Igbo leaders
Continue Reading

Lifestyle

Michael Adekunle Ajasin (1908–1997): Scholar, Educationist, and Statesman of Principle

Published

on

Michael Adekunle Ajasin remains one of the most respected figures in Nigeria’s political and educational history, remembered for his intellectual depth, personal integrity, and unwavering commitment to democratic ideals and public education.

Born on 28 November 1908 in Owo, present-day Ondo State, Ajasin’s early life was shaped by discipline, learning, and service. He attended St. Andrew’s College, Oyo between 1924 and 1927, one of the foremost teacher-training institutions in colonial Nigeria. After qualifying as a teacher, he worked in the profession for several years, laying the foundation for what would become a lifelong dedication to education.

In 1943, Ajasin gained admission to Fourah Bay College, Sierra Leone, then one of the most prestigious higher institutions for Africans in British West Africa. He graduated in June 1946 with a Bachelor of Arts degree in English, Modern History, and Economics. Determined to deepen his professional competence, he proceeded to the Institute of Education, University of London, where he obtained a Postgraduate Diploma in Education in June 1947.

Family Life

Ajasin married Babafunke Tenabe, also a teacher, on 12 January 1939. Their marriage produced four children—two sons and two daughters. One of his daughters, Mrs Olajumoke Anifowoshe, distinguished herself in public service, becoming Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice in Ondo State, further reflecting the family’s strong tradition of civic engagement.

Educational Leadership

On 12 September 1947, Michael Adekunle Ajasin was appointed Principal of Imade College, Owo. His tenure was marked by visionary leadership and an aggressive staff development programme. Notably, he facilitated opportunities for teachers to pursue further training at University College, Ibadan, at a time when such advancement was rare.

See also  The best gift your wife can give you is her virginity - Reno Omokri

In December 1962, Ajasin left Imade College to establish Owo High School, where he served as founder, proprietor, and first principal from January 1963 to August 1975. Under his leadership, the school earned a reputation for academic excellence and discipline, reinforcing his belief that education was the most effective instrument for social transformation.

Political Thought and Early Activism

Ajasin was deeply involved in Nigeria’s nationalist and pre-independence politics. In 1951, he authored a policy paper that later became the education blueprint of the Action Group (AG), boldly advocating free education at all levels. This proposal would later be implemented in Western Nigeria under Chief Obafemi Awolowo and remains one of the most impactful social policies in Nigerian history.

He was among the founders of the Action Group, a party whose ideology centred on immediate independence from Britain, universal healthcare, and the eradication of poverty through sound economic planning. During the 1950s, Ajasin served as National Vice President of the Action Group.

Legislative and Local Government Service

Ajasin’s political career expanded steadily. He became an elected ward councillor, then Chairman of Owo District Council, which covered Owo and surrounding communities such as Idashen, Emure-Ile, Ipele, Arimogija, Ute, Elerenla, and Okeluse.

In 1954, he was elected to the Federal House of Representatives in Lagos, serving as a federal legislator until 1966, when military rule interrupted Nigeria’s First Republic. His years in parliament were characterised by advocacy for education, regional development, and constitutional governance.

Return to Politics and Governorship

In 1976, Ajasin became Chairman of Owo Local Government. With the return to civilian rule, he joined the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), the ideological successor to the Action Group.

See also  ‘My wife is a pastor, I’m a Muslim’ - President Tinubu says as he asks Nigerians to embrace religious tolerance

In 1979, he was elected Governor of Ondo State, with Akin Omoboriowo as his deputy. His administration prioritised education, rural development, and fiscal discipline. However, political tensions emerged when Omoboriowo defected to the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) and contested the 1983 gubernatorial election against him. Although Omoboriowo was initially declared winner, the results were later annulled, and Ajasin was sworn in for a second term.

His tenure was abruptly terminated by the military coup of 31 December 1983, which brought General Muhammadu Buhari to power.

Integrity and Personal Example

Michael Adekunle Ajasin was widely admired for his personal honesty. Reflecting on his years in office, he famously stated:

“I came into office in October 1979 with a set of my own rich native dresses and left office in December 1983 with the same set of dresses; no addition and no subtraction.”

He further noted that he owned no personal cars upon leaving office, having exhausted the two he had before assuming governorship. This statement has since become a benchmark for ethical leadership in Nigeria.

Pro-Democracy Struggle

In the 1990s, Ajasin emerged as a leading elder statesman within the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), which opposed military dictatorship and demanded the validation of Chief M.K.O. Abiola’s annulled June 12, 1993 presidential mandate.

In 1995, he was arrested by the Abacha military regime, alongside 39 other activists, for participating in what the government termed an illegal political meeting—an episode that underscored his lifelong commitment to democracy and civil liberties.

Educational Legacy

As governor, Ajasin signed into law the establishment of Ondo State University in 1982, located in Ado-Ekiti (now in Ekiti State). In 2000, during the administration of Chief Adebayo Adefarati, a new university in Akungba-Akoko was named Adekunle Ajasin University in his honour. He also played a key role in the establishment of The Polytechnic, Owo.

See also  I’m the highest-ranked Christian in govt – Akpabio boasts

Michael Adekunle Ajasin stands as a rare example of a Nigerian leader whose intellectual rigour, moral discipline, and public service aligned seamlessly. His legacy lives on through the institutions he built, the policies he shaped, and the enduring example of integrity he set in public life.

Source:
Ondo State Government Historical Records; Nigerian Political Biographies; Action Group Party Archives; Adekunle Ajasin University Documentation

FOLLOW US ON:

FACEBOOK

TWITTER

PINTEREST

TIKTOK

YOUTUBE

LINKEDIN

TUMBLR

INSTAGRAM

Continue Reading

Trending