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Gombe’s 180-day justice deadline sparks debate over endless pre-trial detentions

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Newly posted Controller of Correctional Service in Gombe State, Agada Felix-Audu, recently declared that no suspect should spend more than 180 days awaiting trial before conviction or acquittal, thereby reigniting scrutiny of Nigeria’s justice system, where over 53,000 of 81,000 inmates are still awaiting trial—some for years over petty offences, writes CHIMA AZUBUIKE

When Agada Felix-Audu, the newly posted Controller of the Correctional Service in Gombe State, declared that no suspect should spend more than 180 days awaiting trial before being either convicted or acquitted, his words reverberated beyond the conference hall. They touched the very heart of Nigeria’s criminal justice system.

For decades, Nigeria’s custodial centres have been filled not only with hardened convicts but with men and women who have not yet been found guilty of crime. Some individuals are languishing behind bars over allegations of theft of a mobile phone or issues over repayment of a N20,000 loan. Sometimes, this is because their cases were not heard promptly or because they could not “do the needful”, often demanded to expedite their files.

Felix-Audu’s pronouncement at his familiarisation visit to the Secretary to the Government of Gombe State, Prof Ibrahim Abubakar-Njodi, was both bold and simple: “Within 180 days, a suspect awaiting trial must either be convicted or acquitted, no matter the crime committed.” But is this feasible in a justice system typically plagued by delays, underfunding, corruption, and human rights violations?

Across Nigeria, the statistics paint a grim picture. According to the Nigerian Correctional Service 2024 annual report, out of approximately 77,000 inmates nationwide, more than 52,000 are awaiting trial, that is, nearly 70 per cent of the total prison population. Some inmates have been in pre-trial detention for more than five years, despite being accused of offences carrying maximum sentences of two years or less. By August 2025, the number rose to 53,460 awaiting trial, with 81,000 inmates nationwide.

In Gombe State, the situation mirrors the national crisis. The state’s five custodial centres—Gombe, Nafada, Bajoga, Cham, and Billiri—are home to thousands of inmates, the vast majority of whom are awaiting trial. Cases drag on for reasons ranging from incomplete police investigations to prosecutors deliberately inflating charges for personal gain. Courtrooms are few and under-resourced, while magistrates juggle overwhelming caseloads.

Against this background, the call for a 180-day limit feels both urgent and aspirational. For those languishing in cells, it could mean the difference between life and death, between hope and despair.

At the Gombe custodial centre,  Aisha, a female inmate who was remanded pending trial, narrated her ordeal with quiet resignation. “For the time I spent there, I didn’t eat rice with stew, whether with groundnut oil or palm oil. The food lacked salt. The rice comes in small quantities—it won’t satisfy even a child.”

Her account is echoed by others across the state. Elijah, a former inmate from Plateau State who served in Gombe custodial centre, recounted how he entrusted N8,000 to prison records upon arrival.

“When he fell sick, part of the money was spent on medicine. Upon release, only N3,000 was returned. Worse still, the police officers who came to take him to court proceedings collected another N2,000,” Elijah said.

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Past inmates report disturbing conditions of incarceration, including bug-ridden mattresses and poor quality of meals. They also claim that mats are hoarded by prison officials, leaving some inmates to sleep on bare floors. “Kunu, a watery millet drink, is often the only breakfast available, unless inmates can afford to buy food. Lunch might be a cup of garri, without sugar or water. Dinner is a small cup of rice shared among three people on a rubber plate.

“If you have money, you will buy water. If you don’t, you eat like that,” Peter, another inmate, explained.

A family member of one of the inmates,  who identified himself as Sambo Danti, said payment at an opposite point that serves as a clearing stand is most disappointing, describing it as a conduit of corruption.

Danti said, “This reality is compounded by extortion at every level. Inmates and their families are forced to pay for services that should be free, from faster case processing to better food portions.

“You are made to pay N200 for the form before going in to see your family member. I wonder what the N200 form is for. I wonder what it will solve. But without it, you can’t gain access. Upon entry, you are made to drop all your phones for fear of incriminating evidence, but they forget that we now have other recording devices like a pen, glasses, but of course, that wasn’t my intention.

“I have seen family members who were asked to go home because they couldn’t afford an entry pass. I doubt if the money they make is remitted as revenue.”

Assistant Chief Admin Officer at the National Human Rights Commission in Gombe, Ndam Nanfa, offered a scathing assessment of corruption within custodial facilities.

Nanfa said, “How will you explain a situation where, in prison, if an inmate has N1,000 in custody, officials only release N500 and keep the rest? Imagine how much more they take when the money is bigger.”

“The rot is not confined to correctional officials,” she added.

Nanfa alleged that prosecutors also exploit families. “If a magistrate fines a suspect N5,000, prosecutors can demand N30,000 from the family, plus another N30,000 for logistics. Failure to pay lands the suspect in prison.”

“Such practices not only prolong incarceration but also reinforce the perception that justice in Nigeria is for sale. For the poor, the inability to pay means endless waiting; for the rich, it is merely another cost of doing business,” Nanfa said.

While this debate rages, what happens to inmates in Gombe, Nafada, Bajoga, Cham, and Billiri custodial centres who continue to languish in squalid conditions, surviving on meals of plain rice without stew, bug-ridden beds, and the constant shadow of extortion?

The Controller’s 180-day proposal is not an entirely new idea. The Nigerian Constitution under Section 35(4) already requires that any person arrested or detained on suspicion of committing an offence must be arraigned in court within a reasonable time, defined as one day in cases where a court is within a forty-kilometre radius, or two days otherwise.

Furthermore, the Administration of Criminal Justice Act 2015 and its state-level adaptations sought to eliminate unnecessary delays by introducing stricter timelines for trials, case management powers for judges, and provisions for non-custodial sentencing.

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However, implementation remains the Achilles’ heel. Police still complain of a lack of resources, prosecutors are stretched thin, courts are congested, and the political will to enforce discipline in the system is often weak. What Felix-Audu did was to translate these lofty legal aspirations into a concrete, time-bound call: 180 days, no more.

Felix-Audu’s further suggestion of a centralised Database Management System, hosted by the Ministry of Justice, to synchronise police investigations, prosecutorial actions, and correctional records, holds promise.

He adds that by digitising case flows, accountability could improve, and inmates would no longer disappear into the cracks of paper-based bureaucracy.

“We are working to create a more responsive and efficient system. A biometric database of offenders has already been established to improve information sharing with other security agencies and to help decongest custodial centres nationwide,” Felix-Audu noted.

He emphasised that ensuring security should not always mean incarceration, but include psychological interventions such as counselling.

“Security goes beyond confinement. Rehabilitation, especially for those with minor offences, is essential to breaking the cycle of crime,” he added.

Yet, for many observers, the question is not whether the idea is desirable, but whether it is sustainable.

Models exist that Gombe could learn from. In South Africa, the Criminal Procedure Act sets clear bail and remand timelines, with strict oversight by judicial officers.

In Kenya, judicial reforms in the early 2010s introduced case-tracking systems and regular audit reviews of remand cases, leading to significant reductions in pre-trial detention.

In Ghana, the introduction of non-custodial sentencing, such as community service, has eased congestion in prisons and allowed courts to focus on more serious cases. This points to the fact that reform is possible when backed by political will, adequate funding, and institutional accountability.

Speaking recently, the Gombe State Deputy Governor, Manassah Jatau, decried the congestion and housing together of violent and non-violent offenders in custodial centres across the country.

He warned that violent inmates could negatively influence non-violent ones, thereby exposing them to deeper criminal tendencies, aggression, ill health, and even mental disorders.

“The situation where hardened criminals are kept together with minor offenders is a dangerous trend. It only worsens the problem rather than solving it,” Jatau stated.

The deputy governor acknowledged the enormity of challenges facing the security and justice system in the country, stressing the need for justice to be delivered promptly and without bias.

He also urged some solicitors to desist from compounding the justice system by shielding criminals for selfish interests.

Jatau further identified youthful exuberance as a common issue among inmates, stressing the need for counselling and rehabilitation rather than outright incarceration.

“Most of these young people need guidance, not just punishment. We must prioritise reformation over retribution,” he added.

Jatau pledged the state government’s support to the service in this regard and advised the Comptroller to work in synergy with sister security agencies, especially the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency, and other stakeholders for an effective fight against crime.

Some analysts argue that the feasibility of a 180-day trial completion is undermined by multiple structural challenges. They mention that police investigations remain underfunded and slow, often reliant on confessions extracted under duress rather than forensic evidence.

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Other issues raised are that prosecutors are overstretched, handling more cases than they can realistically manage, and deliberately delaying cases to extract bribes. They also note that the judiciary suffers from a shortage of judges and magistrates, leading to clogged dockets and endless adjournments.

A legal practitioner, Abdullahi Bello, also posited that inmates should be consistently deployed to farms to enhance the country’s desire to achieve food security.

Bello said, “Instead of allocating millions into food that is not adequately supplied, they should be made to farm crops that they will not only eat but help to achieve the country’s food sufficiency.”

Observers note that, even where the law provides for speedy trials, weak enforcement and lack of accountability mean that timelines are rarely respected.

Without addressing these systemic flaws, they note that the 180-day deadline risks becoming another unfulfilled aspiration.

For Gombe to make the 180-day proposal sustainable, they canvass for a multipronged approach, including the expansion of judicial capacity through the appointment of more judges and magistrates.

They asked for a reform in police investigations, shifting from confession-based methods to evidence-driven approaches. Also identified is that prosecutors require oversight mechanisms to curb extortion, while correctional officers must be held accountable for the welfare of inmates.

Felix- Audu further demanded the absorption of the Correctional Service into the State Security Council to give the agency a voice in crime prevention and intelligence-sharing, and ensure that it is not merely the endpoint of the justice system but an active participant in security governance.

He adds, “Technology can play a transformative role. A digital case management system linking police, prosecutors, courts, and correctional centres could improve transparency, prevent files from disappearing, and provide real-time tracking of case progress. Equally important is the expansion of legal aid services to ensure that poor defendants are not abandoned in the system without representation.”

“Alternative sentencing should be embraced. Minor offences, such as petty theft, should attract community service or fines, not prolonged detention. This would reduce congestion in custodial centres and allow resources to be focused on serious offenders.”

The call to convict or acquit within 180 days is more than a bureaucratic target. For thousands of inmates in Gombe and across Nigeria, it represents hope, the possibility that their lives will not be wasted in the limbo of pre-trial detention.

Without structural reforms addressing corruption, underfunding, and inefficiency, the argument of stakeholders is that the proposal risks becoming another well-meaning but unimplemented policy. For the woman who never ate stew in detention, for the man who lost his savings to corruption, and for countless others surviving on kunu and bug-ridden mats, justice delayed is justice denied.

The practicability and sustainability of the 180-day proposal will depend not on pronouncements but on action by police, prosecutors, judges, correctional officers, and the state government. Only then can Gombe State transform its custodial centres from warehouses of despair into true centres of rehabilitation and justice.

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Reps order IG to produce fake, PFIPC agency DG Adeyemi within 48 hours

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The House of Representatives Committee investigating the operations of the controversial Presidential Foreign Investment Promotion Council has directed the Inspector-General of Police, Olatunji Disu, to produce the self-acclaimed Director-General of the organisation, Adeyemi Adeniyi, before it on Wednesday.

The directive was issued on Monday during the resumed investigative hearing at the National Assembly Complex, Abuja.

Representing the IG, Assistant Commissioner of Police, Bashir Abdullahi, appeared before the committee and was instructed to ensure Adeyemi’s appearance by noon on Wednesday to assist lawmakers in their ongoing investigation into the activities of the organisation.

The committee is probing the circumstances under which the PFIPC, despite not being legally established, allegedly secured office accommodation in Phase III of the Federal Secretariat Complex in Abuja and received a budgetary allocation of ₦1.32bn in the 2026 Appropriation Act.

The directive followed the Nigeria Police Force’s confirmation of key aspects of its criminal investigation, including petitions from the Office of the Chief of Staff to the President alleging that Adeyemi fraudulently presented himself as the Director-General of both the Presidential Economic Advisory Council and the Presidential Foreign Investment Promotion Council.

The Committee Chairman, Yusuf Gagdi, said Adeyemi’s appearance had become imperative given the seriousness of the allegations and the institutions implicated in the matter.

“This committee clearly needs the suspected DG to appear before this committee. People’s names are involved. People’s integrity are involved. Institutional names are involved. Institutional integrity is involved.

“It is not an option now. We will need him here to confirm some documents to us in such a way that will not undermine our investigation to enable us to submit our report on time,” Gagdi said.

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The committee subsequently directed its clerk to formally communicate its resolution to the Inspector-General of Police.

“The committee hereby resolves that the Inspector-General of Police of the Federal Republic of Nigeria do kindly present Mr Adeyemi on Wednesday by 12 noon. That is the ruling of the committee,” Gagdi declared.

Earlier, ACP Abdullahi informed lawmakers that although investigations were ongoing, the police had already filed an eight-count charge against Adeyemi before the Federal High Court.

“The Nigerian Police Force investigated part of this case late last year and filed eight-count charges before a Federal High Court. The case is ongoing,” he said.

He disclosed that the suspect had been arrested and arraigned, but cautioned against making public disclosures that could prejudice the ongoing investigation or judicial proceedings.

“We don’t want to say things that are under investigation. It is definitely going to prejudice the ongoing investigation and make people have opinions that may prejudge the outcome of an investigation or judicial decision,” Abdullahi stated.

Despite the police’s reservations, the committee sought confirmation of documentary evidence already in its possession.

The police confirmed that on October 17, 2025, the Office of the Chief of Staff to the President petitioned security agencies over allegations against Adeyemi, prompting investigations that culminated in criminal charges bordering on conspiracy and fraud.

Investigators also confirmed receiving another petition alleging that Adeyemi falsely presented himself as the Director-General of both the Presidential Economic Advisory Council and the Presidential Foreign Investment Promotion Council.

According to the police, the petition alleged that Adeyemi used the purported office to obtain accommodation within the Federal Secretariat, sought approval to recruit about 300 personnel, attempted to secure a $1.3 billion allocation in the 2026 Appropriation Act for the non-existent agency, and planned to organise a World Investment Summit under the platform of the purported council.

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One of the highlights of the hearing came when the committee compared signatures on documents allegedly issued from the Office of the Chief of Staff to the President with signatures on authentic official correspondence obtained by the police.

When asked whether the signatures matched, the police witness responded unequivocally,”They are not the same.”

The committee said the discrepancy reinforced concerns that official State House documents may have been forged.

Gagdi further asked, “So, it is not only a letter that was suspected to be forged? We are dealing with documents that include what is said to be a forged Act of the National Assembly in an attempt to establish a fake agency,” he added.

Gagdi disclosed that investigators had identified about 29 allegedly forged documents, including purported approvals from the State House, the Office of the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation, the Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, the Ministry of Finance and several other government institutions.

According to him, representatives of many of the affected agencies had already appeared before the committee and disowned the documents attributed to their offices.

Gagdi, however, stressed that the committee had deliberately avoided compelling the police to disclose information that could compromise ongoing criminal investigations.

“We are avoiding a situation whereby they will be pushed to make statements that will undermine their ongoing investigation,” he added.

He assured that the House investigation would continue independently and that its final report could recommend further action by relevant security agencies.

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Forged state house letter used to create fake PFIPC agency, Acct-General reveals

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The House of Representatives’ investigation into the operations of the controversial Presidential Foreign Investment Promotion Council took a dramatic turn on Monday after the Accountant-General of the Federation, Shamseldeen Ogunjimi, revealed that a forged State House letter was used to obtain official government recognition for the ‘fake’ agency.

Appearing before the House Ad Hoc Committee probing the circumstances surrounding the establishment and operations of the council, Ogunjimi disclosed that the Office of the Accountant-General acted on what appeared to be an authentic correspondence from the presidency requesting the creation of an administrative code for the PIFPC, only for investigations to later establish that the letter did not originate from the State House.

The revelation is the latest in a series of disclosures before the committee, which is investigating how a non-existent presidential agency allegedly secured office accommodation in the Federal Secretariat, sought budgetary allocations, recruited personnel and obtained official government recognition through what investigators believe were forged documents.

Presenting his report, Ogunjimi said the Office of the Accountant-General first interacted with the purported council in November 2024.

According to him, “a letter dated November 7, 2024, bearing a State House reference number, requested the creation of an administrative code for the Presidential Economic Advisory Council to facilitate budgeting, accounting and financial reporting.”

He explained that, in line with established procedures, “the Office of the Accountant-General processed the request, created the administrative code and communicated its approval to the State House,” with a copy sent to the Office of the Auditor-General for the Federation.

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Following that approval, the office received additional requests from the purported council, including applications for self-accounting status, deployment of personnel, opening of Treasury Single Account and domiciliary accounts, as well as funding approvals.

Ogunjimi, however, stressed that although some administrative processes were carried out, no public funds were ever released to the council.

“It is important to note that no funds were released under salaries, overhead, capital, or any form of intervention or special allocation to the council,” Ogunjimi told the committee.

He further disclosed that while the council requested an establishment grant of ₦27.4bn, the application was rejected because there was no budgetary provision for such expenditure.

The Accountant-General also explained that although the Central Bank of Nigeria opened two domiciliary accounts for the organisation to receive inflows, the accounts never became operational because the council failed to satisfy the regulatory conditions required for their activation.

Lawmakers expressed concern over how the purported agency was able to navigate several layers of government bureaucracy without raising suspicion.

Responding, Ogunjimi made what committee members described as one of the most significant revelations of the hearing.

“The letter that was received by the Treasury was respectfully addressed as coming from the State House. That letter was never issued by the State House”, he said

The disclosure prompted members of the committee to conclude that a “hijacked” State House letter had allegedly been used to mislead government institutions into processing official requests for an agency that had no legal existence.

The committee also questioned how civil servants originally posted to the Office of the Chief Economic Adviser to the President eventually became attached to the purported council without the knowledge of the Office of the Accountant-General.

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Ogunjimi explained that two officers deployed to the Office of the Chief Economic Adviser in 2010 and 2013 remained in the office after it was allegedly taken over by the new council, but no formal communication was sent to the treasury notifying it of any change.

“It was never assumed or written to us that those two officers were being taken over. The staff also never reported to the office to say that another council had taken over the office and the name had changed. As far as I was concerned, we were dealing with a new agency, not the Office of the Chief Economic Adviser,” he said.

He further disclosed that when the purported council later requested the deployment of five additional officers, the treasury approved only three after determining that the organisation’s size did not justify the number requested.

“It was when all this matter came to light that I got to know that two of our staff were actually working or being absorbed by the agency. We never knew. We believed, based on the records available to us, that those officers were still with the Office of the Chief Economic Adviser,” he added.

The ongoing House investigation centres on allegations that forged presidential approvals, counterfeit State House correspondence, fake Acts of the National Assembly and other falsified government documents were used to create and operate the purported Presidential Foreign Investment Promotion Council and the Presidential Economic Advisory Council.

The committee has already heard evidence from the Nigeria Police Force, which confirmed that criminal charges bordering on conspiracy and fraud have been filed against the prime suspect, Adeyemi Adeniyi, at the Federal High Court.

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At its sitting on Monday, the committee also directed the Inspector-General of Police to produce Adeyemi before lawmakers by noon on Wednesday to answer questions relating to the alleged forgery of official government documents and the operations of the purported presidential agency.

The committee is expected to conclude its investigation with recommendations on possible administrative, legislative and criminal actions against those found culpable.

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See full list of African countries that do not need proof of funds for UK’s student visa

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The United Kingdom on Monday updated its financial requirements for applicants seeking Student and Child Student visas, retaining stricter evidence rules while exempting nationals of only three African countries from submitting proof of funds at the point of application.

The updated guidance, published by the UK government on its website, listed Botswana, Mauritius and Tunisia as the only African countries whose nationals will not be required to provide financial evidence upfront unless requested during the visa decision-making process.

Other countries on the exemption list include Australia, Canada, China, Japan, New Zealand, Singapore, the United States, France, Germany, Italy, Spain, the United Arab Emirates and Qatar, among others.

Despite the exemption, the UK clarified that applicants from the listed countries must still meet all financial requirements and could be asked to provide evidence during the application process.

The guidance stated, “You must meet the financial requirements for this route when you apply; however, you may not need to submit evidence upfront as part of your application. In these circumstances, the decision maker may still request the evidence from you during the application process to prove you meet the financial requirements.”

The development means applicants from major African source countries for UK education, including Nigeria, Ghana, Kenya, South Africa, Egypt and others not listed, will continue to submit financial documents as part of their visa applications.

Under the revised rules, applicants for a Student visa must demonstrate they have sufficient funds to cover tuition fees as stated on their Confirmation of Acceptance for Studies and living expenses.

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Students studying outside London are required to show they have £1,171 for each month of their course, up to a maximum of nine months, while those studying in London must show £1,529 per month for the same period.

Applicants travelling with dependants must also show additional funds. Those studying outside London must have £680 per month for each dependant, while applicants studying in London must show £845 monthly for each dependant, both for up to nine months.

For Child Student visa applicants, the required maintenance funds vary depending on their living arrangements, including boarding school accommodation, foster care, residence with parents or legal guardians, or independent living for eligible 16 and 17-year-olds.

The UK government also outlined acceptable sources of funds, including government-backed student loans, official financial sponsorship, personal savings and money belonging to parents or eligible partners.

However, it said applicants cannot rely on overdrafts, cryptocurrency holdings, stocks and shares, pensions or funds kept in unregulated financial institutions.

The guidance further requires applicants using personal or family funds to show that the required amount has been held for at least 28 consecutive days before the application, with financial evidence dated no more than 31 days before submission.

The UK also maintained exemptions from providing financial evidence for certain categories of applicants, including those applying to extend their stay after spending at least 12 months in the country on a valid visa, Student Union Sabbatical Officers, doctors and dentists in training, and applicants whose nationality qualifies for the reduced documentary requirement.

The latest update comes as the UK continues to tighten oversight of its international student visa system while maintaining financial eligibility requirements for prospective students seeking to study in the country.

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