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Gombe’s 180-day justice deadline sparks debate over endless pre-trial detentions

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Newly posted Controller of Correctional Service in Gombe State, Agada Felix-Audu, recently declared that no suspect should spend more than 180 days awaiting trial before conviction or acquittal, thereby reigniting scrutiny of Nigeria’s justice system, where over 53,000 of 81,000 inmates are still awaiting trial—some for years over petty offences, writes CHIMA AZUBUIKE

When Agada Felix-Audu, the newly posted Controller of the Correctional Service in Gombe State, declared that no suspect should spend more than 180 days awaiting trial before being either convicted or acquitted, his words reverberated beyond the conference hall. They touched the very heart of Nigeria’s criminal justice system.

For decades, Nigeria’s custodial centres have been filled not only with hardened convicts but with men and women who have not yet been found guilty of crime. Some individuals are languishing behind bars over allegations of theft of a mobile phone or issues over repayment of a N20,000 loan. Sometimes, this is because their cases were not heard promptly or because they could not “do the needful”, often demanded to expedite their files.

Felix-Audu’s pronouncement at his familiarisation visit to the Secretary to the Government of Gombe State, Prof Ibrahim Abubakar-Njodi, was both bold and simple: “Within 180 days, a suspect awaiting trial must either be convicted or acquitted, no matter the crime committed.” But is this feasible in a justice system typically plagued by delays, underfunding, corruption, and human rights violations?

Across Nigeria, the statistics paint a grim picture. According to the Nigerian Correctional Service 2024 annual report, out of approximately 77,000 inmates nationwide, more than 52,000 are awaiting trial, that is, nearly 70 per cent of the total prison population. Some inmates have been in pre-trial detention for more than five years, despite being accused of offences carrying maximum sentences of two years or less. By August 2025, the number rose to 53,460 awaiting trial, with 81,000 inmates nationwide.

In Gombe State, the situation mirrors the national crisis. The state’s five custodial centres—Gombe, Nafada, Bajoga, Cham, and Billiri—are home to thousands of inmates, the vast majority of whom are awaiting trial. Cases drag on for reasons ranging from incomplete police investigations to prosecutors deliberately inflating charges for personal gain. Courtrooms are few and under-resourced, while magistrates juggle overwhelming caseloads.

Against this background, the call for a 180-day limit feels both urgent and aspirational. For those languishing in cells, it could mean the difference between life and death, between hope and despair.

At the Gombe custodial centre,  Aisha, a female inmate who was remanded pending trial, narrated her ordeal with quiet resignation. “For the time I spent there, I didn’t eat rice with stew, whether with groundnut oil or palm oil. The food lacked salt. The rice comes in small quantities—it won’t satisfy even a child.”

Her account is echoed by others across the state. Elijah, a former inmate from Plateau State who served in Gombe custodial centre, recounted how he entrusted N8,000 to prison records upon arrival.

“When he fell sick, part of the money was spent on medicine. Upon release, only N3,000 was returned. Worse still, the police officers who came to take him to court proceedings collected another N2,000,” Elijah said.

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Past inmates report disturbing conditions of incarceration, including bug-ridden mattresses and poor quality of meals. They also claim that mats are hoarded by prison officials, leaving some inmates to sleep on bare floors. “Kunu, a watery millet drink, is often the only breakfast available, unless inmates can afford to buy food. Lunch might be a cup of garri, without sugar or water. Dinner is a small cup of rice shared among three people on a rubber plate.

“If you have money, you will buy water. If you don’t, you eat like that,” Peter, another inmate, explained.

A family member of one of the inmates,  who identified himself as Sambo Danti, said payment at an opposite point that serves as a clearing stand is most disappointing, describing it as a conduit of corruption.

Danti said, “This reality is compounded by extortion at every level. Inmates and their families are forced to pay for services that should be free, from faster case processing to better food portions.

“You are made to pay N200 for the form before going in to see your family member. I wonder what the N200 form is for. I wonder what it will solve. But without it, you can’t gain access. Upon entry, you are made to drop all your phones for fear of incriminating evidence, but they forget that we now have other recording devices like a pen, glasses, but of course, that wasn’t my intention.

“I have seen family members who were asked to go home because they couldn’t afford an entry pass. I doubt if the money they make is remitted as revenue.”

Assistant Chief Admin Officer at the National Human Rights Commission in Gombe, Ndam Nanfa, offered a scathing assessment of corruption within custodial facilities.

Nanfa said, “How will you explain a situation where, in prison, if an inmate has N1,000 in custody, officials only release N500 and keep the rest? Imagine how much more they take when the money is bigger.”

“The rot is not confined to correctional officials,” she added.

Nanfa alleged that prosecutors also exploit families. “If a magistrate fines a suspect N5,000, prosecutors can demand N30,000 from the family, plus another N30,000 for logistics. Failure to pay lands the suspect in prison.”

“Such practices not only prolong incarceration but also reinforce the perception that justice in Nigeria is for sale. For the poor, the inability to pay means endless waiting; for the rich, it is merely another cost of doing business,” Nanfa said.

While this debate rages, what happens to inmates in Gombe, Nafada, Bajoga, Cham, and Billiri custodial centres who continue to languish in squalid conditions, surviving on meals of plain rice without stew, bug-ridden beds, and the constant shadow of extortion?

The Controller’s 180-day proposal is not an entirely new idea. The Nigerian Constitution under Section 35(4) already requires that any person arrested or detained on suspicion of committing an offence must be arraigned in court within a reasonable time, defined as one day in cases where a court is within a forty-kilometre radius, or two days otherwise.

Furthermore, the Administration of Criminal Justice Act 2015 and its state-level adaptations sought to eliminate unnecessary delays by introducing stricter timelines for trials, case management powers for judges, and provisions for non-custodial sentencing.

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However, implementation remains the Achilles’ heel. Police still complain of a lack of resources, prosecutors are stretched thin, courts are congested, and the political will to enforce discipline in the system is often weak. What Felix-Audu did was to translate these lofty legal aspirations into a concrete, time-bound call: 180 days, no more.

Felix-Audu’s further suggestion of a centralised Database Management System, hosted by the Ministry of Justice, to synchronise police investigations, prosecutorial actions, and correctional records, holds promise.

He adds that by digitising case flows, accountability could improve, and inmates would no longer disappear into the cracks of paper-based bureaucracy.

“We are working to create a more responsive and efficient system. A biometric database of offenders has already been established to improve information sharing with other security agencies and to help decongest custodial centres nationwide,” Felix-Audu noted.

He emphasised that ensuring security should not always mean incarceration, but include psychological interventions such as counselling.

“Security goes beyond confinement. Rehabilitation, especially for those with minor offences, is essential to breaking the cycle of crime,” he added.

Yet, for many observers, the question is not whether the idea is desirable, but whether it is sustainable.

Models exist that Gombe could learn from. In South Africa, the Criminal Procedure Act sets clear bail and remand timelines, with strict oversight by judicial officers.

In Kenya, judicial reforms in the early 2010s introduced case-tracking systems and regular audit reviews of remand cases, leading to significant reductions in pre-trial detention.

In Ghana, the introduction of non-custodial sentencing, such as community service, has eased congestion in prisons and allowed courts to focus on more serious cases. This points to the fact that reform is possible when backed by political will, adequate funding, and institutional accountability.

Speaking recently, the Gombe State Deputy Governor, Manassah Jatau, decried the congestion and housing together of violent and non-violent offenders in custodial centres across the country.

He warned that violent inmates could negatively influence non-violent ones, thereby exposing them to deeper criminal tendencies, aggression, ill health, and even mental disorders.

“The situation where hardened criminals are kept together with minor offenders is a dangerous trend. It only worsens the problem rather than solving it,” Jatau stated.

The deputy governor acknowledged the enormity of challenges facing the security and justice system in the country, stressing the need for justice to be delivered promptly and without bias.

He also urged some solicitors to desist from compounding the justice system by shielding criminals for selfish interests.

Jatau further identified youthful exuberance as a common issue among inmates, stressing the need for counselling and rehabilitation rather than outright incarceration.

“Most of these young people need guidance, not just punishment. We must prioritise reformation over retribution,” he added.

Jatau pledged the state government’s support to the service in this regard and advised the Comptroller to work in synergy with sister security agencies, especially the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency, and other stakeholders for an effective fight against crime.

Some analysts argue that the feasibility of a 180-day trial completion is undermined by multiple structural challenges. They mention that police investigations remain underfunded and slow, often reliant on confessions extracted under duress rather than forensic evidence.

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Other issues raised are that prosecutors are overstretched, handling more cases than they can realistically manage, and deliberately delaying cases to extract bribes. They also note that the judiciary suffers from a shortage of judges and magistrates, leading to clogged dockets and endless adjournments.

A legal practitioner, Abdullahi Bello, also posited that inmates should be consistently deployed to farms to enhance the country’s desire to achieve food security.

Bello said, “Instead of allocating millions into food that is not adequately supplied, they should be made to farm crops that they will not only eat but help to achieve the country’s food sufficiency.”

Observers note that, even where the law provides for speedy trials, weak enforcement and lack of accountability mean that timelines are rarely respected.

Without addressing these systemic flaws, they note that the 180-day deadline risks becoming another unfulfilled aspiration.

For Gombe to make the 180-day proposal sustainable, they canvass for a multipronged approach, including the expansion of judicial capacity through the appointment of more judges and magistrates.

They asked for a reform in police investigations, shifting from confession-based methods to evidence-driven approaches. Also identified is that prosecutors require oversight mechanisms to curb extortion, while correctional officers must be held accountable for the welfare of inmates.

Felix- Audu further demanded the absorption of the Correctional Service into the State Security Council to give the agency a voice in crime prevention and intelligence-sharing, and ensure that it is not merely the endpoint of the justice system but an active participant in security governance.

He adds, “Technology can play a transformative role. A digital case management system linking police, prosecutors, courts, and correctional centres could improve transparency, prevent files from disappearing, and provide real-time tracking of case progress. Equally important is the expansion of legal aid services to ensure that poor defendants are not abandoned in the system without representation.”

“Alternative sentencing should be embraced. Minor offences, such as petty theft, should attract community service or fines, not prolonged detention. This would reduce congestion in custodial centres and allow resources to be focused on serious offenders.”

The call to convict or acquit within 180 days is more than a bureaucratic target. For thousands of inmates in Gombe and across Nigeria, it represents hope, the possibility that their lives will not be wasted in the limbo of pre-trial detention.

Without structural reforms addressing corruption, underfunding, and inefficiency, the argument of stakeholders is that the proposal risks becoming another well-meaning but unimplemented policy. For the woman who never ate stew in detention, for the man who lost his savings to corruption, and for countless others surviving on kunu and bug-ridden mats, justice delayed is justice denied.

The practicability and sustainability of the 180-day proposal will depend not on pronouncements but on action by police, prosecutors, judges, correctional officers, and the state government. Only then can Gombe State transform its custodial centres from warehouses of despair into true centres of rehabilitation and justice.

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US, Ukraine, Europe Renew Peace Talks Amid Fears Of Wider War

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The United States has renewed efforts to end Russia’s war against Ukraine, with American, Ukrainian and European officials meeting in Miami on Friday to explore ways to reach a peace deal before winter.

The latest diplomatic move came as US President Donald Trump announced an agreement with Russian President Vladimir Putin to increase diesel supplies to global markets, highlighting the growing link between the war and rising energy costs.

US envoy Steve Witkoff said the meeting focused on possible ways to reduce tensions and end the conflict, which began with Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022.

In a post on 𝕏 after the meeting, Witkoff described the discussions as “constructive” and said the participants considered ways to achieve lasting peace before winter.

He said the meeting included representatives of the E3 countries, the European Commission, Ukraine, and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO).

According to Witkoff, the discussions covered energy security, grain exports, security guarantees and long-term arrangements to protect Ukraine and Europe against future conflicts.

He added that the officials also discussed Ukraine’s post-war reconstruction, economic growth and its possible accession to the European Union.

Witkoff did not confirm whether the talks would continue on Saturday, as initially planned.

The renewed negotiations came after US Secretary of State Marco Rubio warned that the failure to reach a diplomatic settlement could lead to further escalation.

Speaking to reporters in Lisbon on Thursday, Rubio said the conflict had reached a dangerous stalemate, with the possibility of the fighting spreading beyond Ukraine.

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“The other way that stalemates end is through escalation,” he said, warning that neighbouring NATO countries could also be affected.

Rubio maintained that Washington did not believe it could resolve the conflict through military action alone.

“We do not believe that there is a military solution to this conflict,” he added.

The latest meeting followed visits to Moscow and Kyiv last month by Witkoff and Jared Kushner, Trump’s son-in-law, as the US administration sought to revive negotiations that have made little progress.

According to Al Jazeera, a source familiar with the discussions revealed that American negotiators had since been working on fresh proposals with Russian and Ukrainian officials.

Trump’s diplomatic push also coincided with an announcement that Russia would increase diesel supplies to the United States and other global markets.

Following a telephone conversation with Putin on Friday, the US president said Russia would immediately supply more than 300,000 tonnes of diesel, with another 500,000 tonnes expected in November.

The US Treasury Department also announced a temporary licence allowing Russian diesel to reach global markets.

It was not immediately clear whether Trump and Putin discussed the war in Ukraine during their telephone conversation.

Trump has blamed Ukrainian attacks on Russian oil refineries for rising fuel prices. However, the US-Israeli war with Iran has been identified in the report as the main source of disruption to global energy supplies.

European officials have also raised concerns about high energy costs and the conflict’s wider economic effects.

Naija News reports that the renewed diplomatic efforts came amid continued Russian attacks on Ukraine, including a strike on buses in the frontline city of Kramatorsk that killed 30 people.

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With winter approaching, concerns are growing over further fighting and attacks on critical infrastructure, increasing pressure on both sides to consider a settlement.

However, major disagreements over territory continue to stand in the way of a peace agreement.

Trump’s previous efforts to broker an end to the war have struggled over Russia’s demand to control all of Ukraine’s eastern Donbas region, including areas still under Ukrainian control.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky has rejected giving up territory held by his country, warning that Russia could use such areas as a base for another attack.

Russia currently occupies roughly one-fifth of Ukrainian territory following its full-scale invasion in February 2022.

The territorial dispute remains one of the biggest obstacles to negotiations, despite renewed efforts by Washington to bring both sides closer to an agreement.

The Miami meeting also comes as the Trump administration seeks progress on its diplomatic efforts before the US midterm elections in November.

According to Axios, Witkoff and Kushner briefed Trump on their latest proposals during a meeting on Thursday attended by Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent and other senior officials.

Washington is also seeking to arrange broader discussions involving Russia and Ukraine later this month.

The Kremlin has indicated that three-way negotiations could resume in October, although no date has been announced.

Whether the renewed talks will produce a breakthrough remains uncertain, as both sides continue to disagree over territory and the security arrangements needed to end the war.

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US Court Filing Alleges Tinubu Govt Pays US Firm $750,000 Monthly

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A fresh court filing in the United States (US) has alleged that the Nigerian government pays $750,000 monthly to DCI Group AZ, LLC, an affiliate associated with American public affairs firm DCI Group.

The allegation was contained in a document submitted by American transparency activist Aaron Greenspan in his ongoing lawsuit seeking US government records linked to President Bola Tinubu and an alleged federal investigation in the early 1990s involving Tinubu and Abiodun Agbele.

Naija News understands that Greenspan filed the request for judicial notice on October 8, 2026, as part of his efforts to persuade the court to allow limited discovery involving Tinubu, who joined the case in October 2023.

The filing also alleges that an online account managed by the DCI affiliate published a post attacking Greenspan on August 5, 2026.

However, the document does not establish that the Nigerian government directed or funded the alleged attack, or that the monthly payment was connected to it. It also does not establish who was responsible for the attacks on Greenspan’s website.

In the filing, Greenspan referred to allegations by federal prosecutors that a Washington public affairs and lobbying firm had engaged Israeli contractors whose operators allegedly hacked electronic accounts belonging to targets connected to a project for the firm’s client.

According to the filing, the hacked information was subsequently provided to the lobbying firm.

Greenspan cited documents filed by the US Department of Justice, statements by a defendant’s lawyer in the United Kingdom and reports by two news organizations, which he said identified the firm as DCI Group.

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The filing stated: “DCI Group AZ, LLC is paid $750,000 per month by Intervenor’s government, and on August 5, 2026 an account it manages published a post attacking Plaintiff in writing.”

The request asks the court to take judicial notice of the existence and contents of public records attached to the filing.

A separate one-page document submitted alongside it is marked as a proposed order. Although the document contains wording that would grant the request, the copy provided has neither a date nor a judge’s signature. It therefore does not establish that the court approved the request.

The application for judicial notice is also separate from Greenspan’s main request for permission to pursue limited discovery.

Tinubu joined the lawsuit in October 2023, citing privacy concerns over confidential tax records and federal law-enforcement documents.

In April 2025, US District Judge Beryl A. Howell ruled that the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the Drug Enforcement Administration could not maintain blanket refusals to confirm or deny whether records responsive to Greenspan’s requests existed.

However, the judge upheld the Central Intelligence Agency’s refusal to confirm or deny the existence of such records.

The ruling concerned the agencies’ responses to Greenspan’s information requests. It did not establish criminal wrongdoing by Tinubu or direct the release of all the records sought by the plaintiff.

The latest filing is part of Greenspan’s continuing effort to obtain permission to pursue limited discovery in the case.

In September, it was reported that Greenspan had asked a federal court in Washington for permission to put four questions to Tinubu over a series of denial-of-service attacks on his website, PlainSite.

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In a reply filed on September 28 in Greenspan v. Executive Office for U.S. Attorneys, Case No. 1:23-cv-01816-BAH, Greenspan argued that Tinubu, who had intervened in the lawsuit, had not denied that he, his government or anyone acting on his behalf, including DCI Group AZ, was involved in the attacks.

“If that is so, the four requests for admission can be answered in minutes,” Greenspan wrote.

The filings, however, do not establish that Tinubu or DCI Group carried out the attacks. They also contain no evidence identifying those responsible.

Greenspan Disputes Tinubu’s Position On Attack Evidence

Tinubu’s opposition to Greenspan’s discovery request, filed as ECF No. 109, argued that “there is no independent verification” of the alleged attacks.

Greenspan rejected the argument, pointing to a technical mitigation report attached to an earlier motion. The report was generated on May 29, 2025, by PlainSite’s internet service provider through its own mitigation system.

According to Greenspan, the report recorded traffic reaching 941.9 megabits per second and 1.8 million packets per second at PlainSite’s protected address.

About half of the traffic was identified and dropped as hostile, while 110,700 source hosts were blocked.

Greenspan argued that Tinubu’s opposition did not address the report, challenge its authenticity or present contrary technical evidence.

He also told the court that attacks on the website resumed after he filed his motion on September 9.

In a supplemental declaration made under penalty of perjury, Greenspan said the number of individual addresses blocked by PlainSite’s firewall had fallen to about 69,000 by September 7, after the intense attacks stopped in late August.

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He said the number began rising sharply around September 18, reached approximately 500,000 on September 23 and stood at 390,957 on the morning of September 24.

Greenspan also drew attention to the timing of the increase. September 18 was the original deadline for the government to reply to his cross-motion for summary judgment before the deadline was extended to September 23.

That was the same day Tinubu’s legal team and the Justice Department filed their respective submissions.

However, the timing cited in the declaration does not, on its own, establish a link between the court filings and the website attacks.

Greenspan’s declaration indicated that the September attacks were less disruptive than those recorded in August.

He said the August attacks pushed the server’s load average above 300, while the September attacks did not overwhelm the server because PlainSite’s adaptive firewall automatically identified and blocked attacking networks.

According to him, the server’s load average remained below 25 during the later attacks.

Greenspan also reported that the firewall dropped more than 200,000 packets per minute on September 23, while total web traffic exceeded 480,000 packets per minute.

He explained that some of the largest traffic spikes recorded on September 23 and 24 appeared in the category classified by the firewall as ordinary visitor traffic.

According to Greenspan, this happened because traffic from attacking sources was initially counted in that category before the firewall identified and blocked those sources.

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Death row inmate Christa Pike scores legal win as judge reopens her case against execution by lethal injection

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Death row inmate, Christa Pike has scored a legal victory after a judge reopened her case against being put to death by lethal injection following her botched execution.

The convicted murderer, 50, was due to be the first woman put to death in Tennessee for over 200 years on Sept. 30 but instead became the country’s first death row inmate ever to survive the lethal injection.

In January, her legal team filed a complaint in court challenging the state’s lethal injection protocol, which was later dismissed by the Tennessee Supreme Court in May, according to court documents obtained by The Post.

In an order issued on Thursday, Judge I’Ashea Myles ruled that the case should be reopened in the Davidson County Chancery Court in Nashville.

Myles wrote that Pike had established “extreme, unique, exceptional, or extraordinary circumstances” allowing her to seek relief from the court.

The original complaint filed in January called for the court to stop the use of the lethal injection against Pike, arguing that in her case it was unconstitutional.

“Tennessee’s new lethal injection protocol, calling for a single drug (pentobarbital), is plagued with the same issues that have marked botched executions for decades: secrecy, intentional omission, inattention to detail, and untrained and unlicensed prison personnel attempting to fill medical role,” Pike’s lawyers wrote.

“As the State of Tennessee seeks to execute its first woman in 250 years, and the only woman on Tennessee’s death row ––- Christa Gail Pike –– those problems have come to head.

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“The new protocol, as applied to the Plaintiff and her unique medical conditions, is unconstitutional under the United States Constitution and the Tennessee Constitution.”

The attorneys also argued that Pike’s “physical characteristics,” including small veins, made insertion with a needle difficult.

Pike was sentenced to death for the sadistic murder of her 19-year-old Job Corps classmate Colleen Slemmer in Jan. 1995, when she was 18.

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