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PHOTOS: The True and Sad Story of How Afonja Lost Ilorin and Its Kingship to Fulani People

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The Yoruba and Fulani inhabitants of Ilorin, the present capital of Kwara State, Nigeria, have for so long been at loggerheads over who should produce monarch for the town.

The Yoruba people in Ilorin claimed that the throne should always have a Yoruba king on the seat and backed this with historical references which point Yoruba ancestors as the founders of Ilorin.

The Fulani section of Ilorin came up with a counterclaim that no Yoruba king has ever been enthroned from the onset, therefore the throne belongs to their (Fulani) ethnicity.

However, history will never lie and so we brings you the true account of how Aare-Ona-Kakanfo Afonja lost Ilorin to the Fulani people of Northern Nigeria.

Who Was Afonja And Who Originally Founded Ilorin?

The history of Ilorin put it as a Yoruba town which was originally used as a military outpost by the Alaafin, paramount ruler of the old Oyo empire (Oyo-Ile). At the period of creation, Ilorin was administered by Afonja, the sixth Are-Ona-Kakanfo (generalissimo) of the Oyo army and successor of Are-Ona Oku of Jabata.

It was from this outpost that Afonja carried out military functions for the then Alaafin named Aole, the son of Alaafin Abiodun.

Aole reigned between 1789 and 1796. It was during this period that Shehu Alimi, a Fulani cleric, arrived Ilorin with some of his tribesmen and were all welcomed and hosted by Afonja.

Afonja’s Conflict With Alaafin Aole

After a while, conflict broke out between Alaafin Aole and Are-Ona Afonja. Alaafin Aole had ordered Afonja to attack a town named Iwere-Ile which to Afonja was a suicidal mission and he adamantly refused.

Iwere-Ile is the hometown of Aole’s paternal grandmother and a former Alaafin named Ajagbo had placed curses on any Kakanfo that attempt to attack Iwere-Ile. These were the reasons Afonja disobeyed Alaafin Aole’s orders.

While still at disagreement, Alaafin Aole, also called Arogangan (roughly translated as the mean one), ordered Afonja to attack Apomu, a prominent town in Ile-Ife; this was in 1795. The disagreement heated up to the point that both sides resulted to trash things out with violence.

At this point, Afonja sought the support of Shehu Alimi also known as Salih Janta who had both spiritual and military power. On his way from the Apomu expedition, Afonja stopped at Oyo-Ile to deal with Alaafin Aole. Afonja sent an empty calabash to Aole signifying his rejection as the Alaafin and according to the customs of Oyo, he was to commit suicide at such and he did.

We gathered that before Aole took his life, he performed a ritual and cursed the entire Yoruba land that their sons and daughters will be taken as slaves and sold to different parts of the world.

Many believe Aole’s curse plunged Yoruba land into a series of inter-tribal wars that broke out in following years such as the Kiriji war, Egba-Dahomey war, Ibadan-Ijaye war and so on.

Aole was succeeded by Adebo who ruled from 1796 to 1797; Maku succeeded Adebo and also ruled for few months before his death in 1797. From 1797 to 1802, the Oyo throne was vacant. It was in 1802 that Alaafin Majotu was crowned and it was during his reign that Are-Ona-Kakanfo lost Ilorin to the Fulani.

The Death Of Afonja And The Establishment Of Emir Throne In Ilorin

After defeating Aole, Afonja and Alimi’s relationship strengthened to the extent that Afonja enlisted Alimi’s men into his army and disbanded many of his men whom history claimed he didn’t fully trust. Unknowing to Afonja, the Fulanis were gradually infiltrating his army and before he could realize, it was too late.

This was after Sheu Alimi’s death. His son, Abdulsalam, earnestly yearned to rule Ilorin and clandestinely plotted against Afonja. In 1824, Abdulsalam’s men shot Afonja arrows till he breathed his last. He was shot so many arrows that his dead body remained suspended in an upright position for a long while.

“HE FELL INDEED LIKE A HERO. SO COVERED WAS HE WITH DARTS THAT HIS BODY WAS SUPPORTED IN AN ERECT POSITION UPON THE SHAFTS OF SPEAR AND ARROWS SHOWERED UPON HIM. SO MUCH DREAD HAD HIS PERSONALITY INSPIRED THAT THESE TREACHEROUS JAMAS WHOM HE HAD SO OFTEN LED TO VICTORY COULD NOT BELIEVE HE WAS REALLY DEAD; THEY CONTINUED TO SHOWER DARTS UPON HIM LONG AFTER HE HAD CEASED FIGHTING. THEY WERE AFRAID TO APPROACH HIS BODY AS IF HE WOULD SUDDENLY SPRING UP AND SHAKE HIMSELF FOR THE CONFLICT AFRESH.”

SAMUEL JOHNSON.

After Afonja’s death, Abdulsalam declared himself the Emir of Ilorin and pledge allegiance to Sokoto Caliphate. This was how the monarch of Ilorin hold the title of Emir till today instead of Oba or any other Yoruba title for a king.

Afterward, the Yorubas attempted to regain control of Ilorin from the Fulani jammas but failed. Toyeje, the successor of Afonja, led the first and second attempts to drive the Fulani people out of Ilorin.

The second attempt is known in history as Mugbamugba war in which Yoruba people suffered untold defeat in the strive to regain the throne of Ilorin.

Source: Yorubaness

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The Worst Civilian Rule Is Better Than The Best Military Dictatorship”-Chief Obafemi Awolowo

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The Worst Civilian Rule Is Better Than The Best Military Dictatorship”-Chief Obafemi Awolowo

In Nigeria, no military coup against a democratically elected government has ever produced a better leadership than the one they overthrew. Historically, such undemocratic change in leadership has always resulted in a worse administration. Much worse!

The only military coup that has ever led to a better government in Nigeria was a coup against another military ruler, and that was the Thursday, July 29, 1975, palace coup that toppled the Gowon government.

Not only did the Murtala/Obasanjo administration instil discipline in the nation, but it also moved Nigeria from a 1975 negative GDP growth rate of -5.2% to a 6.8% positive GDP growth rate by the time General Obasanjo handed over to President Shehu Shagari in 1979.

But from when President Shagari was overthrown on Saturday December 31, 1983, to when democracy was restored on Saturday, May 29, 1999, Nigeria retrogressively went downhill, from having an army that the late Lt. General Salihu Ibrahim described as an army of “anything can happen” to a loss of fundamental human rights, and a situation where letter bombs killed journalists, with media houses shutting down, to Nigeria losing her visa free status to the United Kingdom, to state sponsored assassinations, and looting of the Central Bank of Nigeria in an industrial scale, to the point where, but for Bernie Madoff a Nigerian military ruler, Sani Abacha, would have continued to hold the record as the world’s biggest thief!

It is easy to forget how bad things were under military rule, but let me remind Nigerians that, under the military, a minister for communications once said, “Telephones are not for the poor!” Today, even beggars have phones!

Is that an era that anybody would wish to return to?

Igbo men say tufiakwa!

The Nigerian public may never truly have an accurate count of the number of coups our nation has experienced. We can only count the ones that came to light, including the following:

The January 15, 1966 coup, successfully led by Majors Emmanuel Ifeajuna and Chukwuma ‘Kaduna’ Nzeogwu, resulted in the deaths of the top echelon of First Republic politicians from every region, except the Eastern Region, and brought Major General Thomas Aguiyi-Ironsi to power.

The July 29 1966 countercoup, which was to be led by Lt. Colonel Murtala Ramat Muhammed, but which was preempted by the Abeokuta Garrison before Murtala was ready, and led to a mutiny in which over 200 Igbo officers and men were killed, including the Head of State, Major General Thomas Aguiyi-Ironsi, and his host, Colonel Adekunle Fajuyi, who refused to give him up.

Both these coups resulted in the Nigerian Civil War, in which an estimated one million people died.

The July 29, 1975, coup, which occurred exactly nine years after the last coup, was led by Lt. Colonels Shehu Musa Yar’Adua and Joe Garba, who toppled the Gowon administration and ushered in the joint Murtala-Obasanjo government.

The February 13, 1976 coup, which was the first known unsuccessful coup in Nigeria, during which Lt. Colonel Bukar (short for Abubakar) Dimka assassinated the Head of State, General Muhammed, and his co-plotters wounded then Colonel Raymond Dumuje, thinking he was Lt. General Obasanjo.

The December 31, 1983 coup, which ended the Shagari Presidency as well as the Second Republic, was led by a group of senior officers, including Brigadiers Sani Abacha and Ibrahim Bako, among others. It resulted in Major General Muhammadu Buhari assuming power.

The August 27, 1985, palace coup, during which a group of officers known as the IBB Boys arrested the Head of State, Major General Buhari, and replaced him with his Chief of Army Staff, Major General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida, who took on the title of Military President.

The Vatsa coup of 1986, of which the Nigerian public knew very little and cannot reasonably be certain if there really was a coup or not. It was the second known unsuccessful coup, if it was indeed a real conspiracy at all.

The April 22, 1990, Orkar coup, in which Major Gideon Orkar unsuccessfully attempted to overthrow General Babangida, whose life was saved by Lt. General Abacha, who was rewarded by being promoted to a full General after the coup, the first time that Nigeria had two serving full-time Generals (IBB and Abacha). It was Nigeria’s third unsuccessful coup.

The November 17, 1993, bloodless coup, at which General Sani Abacha gently eased out the Head of the Interim National Government, Chief Ernest Shonekan, and assumed power as Military Head of State.

The March 1, 1995 Gwadabe coup, of which we cannot be reasonably sure if this was a real coup or a phantom coup, given the subsequent testimonies of Gwadabe himself, and Colonel Bello Fadile. If it were indeed a genuine plot, it would have been Nigeria’s fourth known unsuccessful coup. But I strongly doubt that this coup was real.

The December 1997 Diya coup was the only coup in Nigeria’s history where the Second-in-Command plotted against the Head of State. Despite protestations to the contrary, this was actually a genuine coup, albeit a set-up involving the then-Chief of Army Staff, Lt. Gen. Ishaya Bamaiyi, whom I interviewed at Kirikiri Maximum Security Prison in January 2000. He was very arrogant and rude. I also interviewed Major Hamza al-Mustapha and Mohammed Abacha. I found al-Mustapha to be one of the most charming, intelligent and humble fellows I had met up until then. Mohammed Abacha appeared to me to be in some sort of dazed state.

It was Nigeria’s fifth known unsuccessful coup.

The 2004 Hamza al-Mustapha coup. Al-Mustapha was accused of plotting to overthrow the Obasanjo government and was arrested. The trial dragged on, and he was released by the Umaru Musa Yar’adua administration, which abandoned his trial in 2008. It was Nigeria’s sixth known unsuccessful coup.

In total, of the coups that were made public, Nigeria has had six successful military coup d’états and six unsuccessful coups, bringing the total to 12 coups.

Apart from the very first coup, all coups in Nigeria’s history have been planned and executed, either admittedly or allegedly, by Northern military officers, including the Diya coup, which, if we are to take his word, was the brainchild of Ishaya Bamaiyi.

And hate him or love him, Nigeria owes her present political stability more or less to one man, General Olusegun Obasanjo, who ended the Nigerian Civil War on January 15, 1970, then returned the country to civil rule on October 1, 1960, before returning to stabilise the country in civil rule on May 29, 1999.

Given that the best predictor of the future is the past, any undemocratic changes of government in Nigeria would set the country back and may even, God forbid, result in another civil war.

Therefore, it is in the interest of every Nigerian, especially the media, to prioritise Nigeria and our democracy, and refrain from coup-baiting, because, as Chief Obafemi Awolowo put it, “The worst civilian rule is better than the best military dictatorship.”

That quote is all the more poignant, especially now that we have one of the best democratically elected governments in history, which has expanded Nigeria’s GDP by $67 billion in just two years, moving us from a ₦269.29 trillion economy on May 29, 2023, when Asiwaju became President, to ₦372.8 trillion today, and has equally increased our national prestige by achieving the upgrading of Nigeria’s passport from the 97th strongest in the world under General Buhari to the 88th most powerful passport on Earth today, according to the the latest Henley Passport Index.

Reno Omokri

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The Tragic Death of “Africa” — A Life Cut Short by Cult Violence at OAU

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In the late 1990s, the Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU), Ile-Ife, one of Nigeria’s most respected institutions, was shaken by a brutal and unforgettable tragedy — the murder of George Iwilade, popularly known by his nickname “Africa.” He was the Secretary-General of the Students’ Union, a brilliant student, activist, and symbol of justice on campus. His death on July 10, 1999, at the hands of cultists, marked one of the darkest moments in Nigerian university history.

Africa was known across OAU for his intelligence, courage, and outspoken defense of students’ rights. He stood fearlessly against cultism and oppression, earning respect from his peers and fear from those who thrived on violence and intimidation. But his commitment to justice made him a target. On that fateful night, around 4:30 a.m., armed cultists invaded the Awolowo Hall — the heart of student life — shooting and attacking innocent students in cold blood. Their mission was clear: silence Africa and strike fear into the student body.

When the chaos ended, the campus was left in shock. Africa and several other students lay dead, their blood staining the very halls that once echoed with chants of solidarity and activism. The killers fled into the night, but the pain and outrage they left behind burned deep in the hearts of students, parents, and the entire nation. The OAU community erupted in protest, demanding justice and an end to cult violence on campuses across Nigeria.

The government and university authorities launched investigations, and some suspects were arrested, but justice moved slowly. Despite multiple reports, court hearings, and media coverage, many believed that the full truth about Africa’s death was never completely revealed. His assassination exposed the dangerous web of cultism that had infiltrated Nigerian higher institutions — a menace that continues to threaten lives and education even today.

The murder of George “Africa” Iwilade remains a symbol of resistance and courage in the face of evil. His name lives on as a reminder that the fight against campus cultism, corruption, and violence must never end. Every July 10, those who remember him still say: “Africa may be dead, but his spirit of truth and justice lives on.”

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PHOTOS: The Story of Madam Efunroye Tinubu, businesswoman, kingmaker and the first woman to kick against British rule in Nigeria

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EFUNPOROYE Osuntinubu Olumosa, later known as Madam Efunroye Tinubu, was an astute businesswoman, kingmaker and the first woman to kick against British rule in Nigeria during the colonial era. She was a major figure in Lagos and Abeokuta (Egba) politics.

Born in 1810 in Ojokodo, currently in Ogun State, Tinubu remarried to Oba Adele Ajosun in 1833 after the death of her first husband. She moved with the exiled Oba to Badagry, which was the traditional place of refuge for Lagos monarchs.

At Badagry, she leveraged Adele’s connections and built a formidable business, dealing in tobacco, salt and slaves. Oba Adele was reinstated in 1835, but died two years after. Before his death, Tinubu had strengthened her trade with the expatriate community, the indigenous population of Lagos and Abeokuta, as well as other communities in Yoruba land.She later remarried Yesufu Bada, alias Obadina, who was Oba Oluwole’s war captain.

Tinubu had a great influence in the palace and contributed in making Akitoye, her brother-in-law, king after Oba Oluwole. In 1851, when Oba Akitoye was fully in charge of the throne, he granted Tinubu favourable commercial concessions, which made her to still trade in slaves for guns with Brazilians and Portuguese traders. She also obtained a tract of land from him, which now makes up part of the current Tinubu Square and Kakawa Street. Tinubu had so much influence over Akitoye that in 1853, two Lagos chiefs — Possu and Ajenia — rose in rebellion against him for giving Tinuba so much privilege.

With the ban on slave trade in the country, Tinubu put more efforts into internal trade, dealing in palm oil, salt, pepper and tobacco. By 1850, she was the leading middleman in the interior of Lagos.

Tinubu played prominent roles in installing and removing kings. She, however, supported Dosunmu, the son of Akitoye to ascend the throne in 1853. Under Dosunmu’s reign, Tinubu had a massive security force, composed of slaves and she sometimes executed orders usually given by the king.

In 1855, she led a campaign against the Brazilian and Sierra Leonean immigrants in Lagos for using their wealth and power against Dosunmu, and for subverting the customs of Lagos. The British Consul, Benjamin Campbell, felt threatened by Tinubus’s nationalistic acts and in 1856, instigated Dosunmu to expel Tinubu and her followers from Lagos to Abeokuta.

In Abeokuta, Tinubu identified with the United Board Management Government and expanded her business activities to include a wide range of wares, such as arms and ammunition. Her influence began to be felt in Abeokuta politics, when she contributed to the successful defence of the Egba town during the Dahomey invasion of 1863. For her support, she was given the title of Iyalode (first lady) in 1864. The title placed her in a position of power, which enabled her to boldly participate in Egba affairs.

Tinubu opposed colonial policies in Lagos. She was the first woman to play a proactive part in the resistance to British rule during the colonial period.
She died in 1887. Tinubu Square on Lagos Island, a place previously known as Independence Square, is named after her. She was buried at Ojokodo Quarters in Abeokuta.

Controversy had it that Madam Tinubu told a slave trader that “she would rather drown the slaves [20 in number] than sell them at a discount”.

She sold slaves to Brazilian and European merchants in violation of a 1852 treaty with Great Britain outlawing the slave trade in Lagos. Her economic hegemony over Lagos and secret slave trading resulted in her coming into conflict with the British, as well as other Lagos merchants. She was exiled to Abeokuta under British pressure after plotting an unsuccessful conspiracy to remove British influence from Lagos. While in Abeokuta, she helped supply the city with munition during its victorious war against the Kingdom of Dahomey, thus granting her the chieftancy title of Iyalode in her honour.

She died in Abeokuta in 1887. The landmark Tinubu Square in Lagos, Nigeria is named after her and also contains a statue of her. She also has a statue in Abeokuta, Nigeria.

Source:
Wikipedia
The Guardian- Omiko Awa
Yorubaness

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