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Nigeria’s rent crisis deepens as two-bedroom flats hit N2.5m

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Nigeria’s rental market is spiralling, with two-bedroom apartments averaging N2.5m annually, far above rates of just a few years ago. From N250,000 flats in Benin to N20m luxury units in Lagos, tenants nationwide face surging rents that are deepening an affordability crisis and squeezing millions of households.

The Nigerian housing market is facing one of its toughest periods in recent history, as the median rent for a two-bedroom apartment in many parts of the country has climbed to about N2.5m annually.

This figure represents a sharp rise compared to what was obtainable a few years ago and highlights the deepening affordability crisis confronting millions of Nigerians. From Lagos to Kano and Ibadan to Port Harcourt, tenants are feeling the squeeze of rapidly escalating rents.

While N2.5m serves as a national benchmark, the reality is that rents vary wildly across cities and neighbourhoods  ranging from as low as N250,000 in some inner parts of Benin City to as high as N20m in Lagos’s luxury districts, according to data gathered from industry players in these various locations.

Why two-bedroom flats

The focus on two-bedroom apartments is deliberate. Across Nigeria, this category of housing is often considered the “middle ground” for families, young professionals, and middle-income earners. A single-bedroom apartment is typically viewed as temporary or transitional housing, while three- and four-bedroom units are often priced far beyond the reach of average tenants.

For many Nigerians, a two-bedroom flat represents a balance between affordability and comfort. Yet, with prices surging, even this once-modest option is increasingly out of reach.

A resident of Jos, Plateau State, Gloria Oyogho, explained how rent is shaped by finishing and infrastructure. “In standard areas with good finishing, water supply, and stable electricity, rents range between N1.5m and N2.5m. But in less standard areas, prices are much lower, around N500,000 to N800,000,” she told The PUNCH.

She added that hidden costs further inflate expenditure: agency fees, legal charges, and sometimes compulsory renovation levies. “I once saw a flat for N500,000, but it lacked running water, and residents depended on a well,” she said, underlining how amenities directly impact value.

In Abuja, the country’s capital, rent disparities are glaring. Legal practitioner Adedapo Adewuyi described the property market as a spectrum, from relatively affordable outskirts to premium neighbourhoods catering to the wealthy and political elite.

In Karu, Maraba, and Kubwa, rents for two-bedroom flats range between N1.5m and N2.5m. In Wuse 2, Jahi, and Jabi, the cost climbs to around N3m. In Maitama and Asokoro, two-bedroom units cost up to N10m annually, reflecting prestige and exclusivity.

“These high-end districts are magnets for executives, diplomats, and top government officials,” Adewuyi explained. “Location remains the single most important factor in Abuja’s property market.”

The imbalance has led to rising tenant frustrations. One lawyer in a social forum questioned whether it was legal for a landlord to raise a tenant’s rent from N1.5m to N2.8m just months before renewal. Such abrupt hikes are increasingly common.

Ibadan, traditionally considered an affordable city, is fast losing that reputation. Data analyst Oladayo Isaac recounted how his rent journey reflected the city’s transformation.

“In 2022, two-bedroom flats cost between N300,000 and N500,000. I rented mine for N350,000. Today, average rents are N800,000 to N1.5m. Landlords are even introducing service charges, something unheard of in Ibadan until now,” he said.

He also narrated how inspections have turned into bidding wars. “We were about 50 people at one viewing. The landlord raised the price on the spot because of demand. Another apartment I considered rose from N1m to N1.1m in a week.” Isaac lamented that Ibadan landlords are “copying Lagos models”, with arbitrary rent hikes and extra service charges.

In Ogun State, proximity to Lagos is a key driver. Architect Seyi Amusan explained that in Opic, two-bedroom flats cost between N2m and N2.5m annually. “The demand comes from workers who cannot afford Lagos rents but still want to be close to the city,” he said. Yet prices are far from uniform. Rural districts in Ogun remain relatively affordable, though infrastructure gaps often make them less desirable.

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Enugu also mirrors the nationwide pattern of disparities. Agent John Kalu said two-bedroom flats in Emene and Abakpa go for N800,000–N4m, while prime areas like New Haven and Independence Layout cost N2.5m and above. “Tenants must also add legal and agent fees, which can increase total costs by 10 – 15 per cent,” Kalu noted.

Lagos stands out as the most expensive and unpredictable rental market in Nigeria. The spread is dramatic: Ikorodu, N1.5m N2m; Ketu and Alapere, N2.5m upwards; Gbagada and Shomolu, N2.5m – N3.4m; Ikeja, N4.5m – N6m; Magodo, N4m; and Ikoyi and Victoria Island, N8m – N20m.

One tenant along the Alapere/Ogudu Expressway said his rent jumped from N400,000 to N1.2m in a single review. Such steep hikes, often without justification, reflect the cutthroat competition for housing in Lagos.

In Uyo, estate agent Mint Ebuk reported average rents of N650,000 – N5m. In Benin-City, agent David Asobur noted extremes: N250,000 for poorly serviced inner neighbourhoods and up to N2.5m for well-serviced areas. In Calabar, resident Impress Nkechi said prime districts like Parliamentary Extension rarely go below N1.5m, while the outskirts still offer flats for N700,000.

Kano’s housing reflects its socio-economic diversity. Agent Amin Ya Rabbi explained that in Nasarawa GRA, the cost of rent is from N5m and above; Zoo Road, Otoro, N2m N2.5m; and Badawa, Sabangari, N800,000 N1.5m. “These differences reflect not just income levels but also cultural preferences and accessibility,” he said.

In Port Harcourt, two-bedroom flats cost between N600,000 and N4m depending on location. GRA stands at the top, with apartments rarely below N3.5m. The city’s average N2.5m mirrors the national median.

Institutions react

The Assistant National Publicity Secretary of the Nigerian Institution of Estate Surveyors and Valuers, Ayodele Olamoju, noted that rents in Nigeria have skyrocketed in a way that feels almost unbearable for many, especially those living in big cities.

He said, “What we’re facing is not just a random occurrence; it’s really the outcome of demand and supply struggling against each other, shaped by economic, social, and political forces. The housing market is under immense pressure, and without enough affordable options being delivered, the sharp rent increases keep hitting ordinary people hard. Take, for example, the average two-bedroom apartment that now goes for around N2.5m in major cities in the country. That figure alone tells the story of how far things have escalated. The surge is not because landlords simply want to exploit tenants; it’s because costs across the board have risen drastically. Inflation has eaten deep into every part of the housing value chain. From cement to steel, tiles, fittings, and even labour, prices have doubled or tripled within a short time, and naturally, developers and landlords are passing on these costs to tenants.

“Another major factor is our currency instability. The depreciation of the naira and the persistent foreign exchange shortages mean that anything imported for construction immediately becomes more expensive. Whether it’s finishing materials, fixtures, or even machinery, the exchange rate problem makes it harder to build at a reasonable cost. This has worsened construction inflation, and by extension, made rents climb faster than wages can catch up.

“All these issues combined show that the rent crisis is not a simple problem; it is structural. It exposes gaps in housing policy, weak supply systems, and the economic realities that every Nigerian is grappling with. Until there’s a deliberate effort to address both the economic pressures and the policy failures that feed into the demand-supply imbalance, rents will keep rising, and tenants will continue to struggle.”

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An estate surveyor, Olorunyomi Alatise, noted that rental prices in Nigeria, particularly in Lagos where the pressure is most acute, have spiralled uncontrollably in recent years, driven by both structural deficiencies and economic realities.

He said, “The chronic housing deficit in Kano, for instance, has created a persistent imbalance between supply and demand. On the other hand, inflation, currency volatility, and escalating construction costs have left landlords with little choice but to push rents upward, often indiscriminately. This dual force of scarcity and cost-push inflation has made shelter an increasingly elusive basic need for many.

“The troubling irony, however, is that these rent reviews rarely align with tenants’ earning capacity. Salaries are either stagnant or, where increased, fail to match the pace of inflation, leaving households vulnerable. The gap between rent obligations and income growth has widened so sharply that affordability has become a pressing crisis. For a significant portion of the population, rent now consumes a disproportionate share of monthly earnings, leaving little for other essentials and pushing many towards overcrowded, inadequate housing or outright displacement.

Addressing this pervasive challenge requires a deliberate, multi-pronged response.

Affordable “housing delivery must be prioritised through mass housing schemes supported by government and private developers. Policy innovations such as incentivising longer, stable leases, regulating the spread of short-term rentals, and publishing a transparent rent index for both rents and property sales would bring sanity and predictability to the market. Additionally, construction costs can be reduced by encouraging the use of local building materials and granting tariff relief on essential inputs. Without such systemic interventions, the housing affordability gap will continue to widen, deepening social and economic inequalities.”

Meanwhile, the president of the Association of Housing Corporations of Nigeria, Eno Obongha, noted that the reasons for the rent hike were not far-fetched.

He said, “When demand is higher than supply, prices must go up. The supply end is limited because building material prices are very high. Most of the imported materials are also affected by the dollar value. The processes for obtaining housing loans from development finance institutions are equally cumbersome.

“There must be a deliberate effort by federal, state and local governments in Nigeria to increase the housing stock for the benefit of medium- and low-income earners. The housing deficit affects the medium- and low-income earners, and these days, because of the economic hardship, many high-income earners are leaving big properties to compete for two- and three-bedroom units. Finally, there are no rent control laws to regulate rents charged by landlords.”

A builder, Awolusi Femi, noted that the steady rise in rental prices across the country is driven by a complex mix of economic and structural factors.

He said, “One of the most pressing issues is the increasing cost of land. As urban centres expand and demand for prime locations intensifies, the value of land continues to soar. Land scarcity in major cities has further heightened competition, making property acquisition an expensive venture. This, in turn, pushes landlords and developers to pass on these costs to tenants in the form of higher rent, making housing less affordable for the average citizen.

“Beyond land costs, the relentless surge in building material prices plays a significant role. Materials such as cement, steel, roofing sheets, and finishing products are experiencing constant price hikes, largely influenced by inflation, import dependence, and supply chain disruptions. These rising costs not only impact new construction projects but also existing buildings. Landlords are compelled to adjust rents upward to cover maintenance expenses, since even routine repairs now require expensive materials. Consequently, tenants are bearing the brunt of these inflationary pressures.

“Another key factor is the rising cost of labour, both skilled and unskilled. Masons, carpenters, plumbers, electricians, and general labourers have steadily increased their charges due to the high cost of living and limited availability of trained professionals. For property developers, this translates to higher project costs, while for landlords, it means greater expenses in maintaining or upgrading their properties. Inevitably, these additional costs are transferred to tenants through higher rental fees. Altogether, the combination of expensive land, soaring material prices, and costly labour has created a rental market that is becoming increasingly unsustainable for many households.”

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Historical context

Nigeria’s rent crisis didn’t happen overnight. Analysts trace the surge to several long-standing issues. Urban migration is one of them, as Nigeria’s cities have swelled dramatically since the 1990s. Lagos alone receives an estimated 600,000 new residents annually.

Inadequate housing supply is also another issue. Government housing schemes have consistently fallen short of targets. The national housing deficit is estimated at 28 million units. High construction costs are considered too, as the prices of cement, iron rods, and finishing materials have soared due to inflation and foreign exchange challenges.

Speculative real estate is an issue, as developers and landlords often price properties far above market reality, targeting elites and expatriates rather than average citizens.

Behind the numbers are real struggles. Families are increasingly forced to relocate to the outskirts, endure longer commutes, or downgrade to smaller apartments. Many middle-income earners now spend over 40 per cent of their salary on rent, far above the 25–30 per cent recommended globally.

Some households face eviction after failing to meet sudden rent hikes. Others are pushed into overcrowded flats, worsening urban slum conditions. For younger Nigerians, the dream of independent living is increasingly delayed, with many staying longer in family homes.

Experts speak

Acting Dean of the Faculty of Management and Social Sciences at West Midlands Open University, Lagos, Dr Timilehin Olubiyi, described the situation as alarming. “Rent now consumes a disproportionate share of income. Families are forced to choose between paying rent and meeting basic needs like healthcare and education,” he said.

Olubiyi proposed three urgent steps, including affordable housing policies. He said the government should partner with private developers to build low- and middle-income homes and called for rent control measures by limiting annual increases to prevent arbitrary hikes.

On stricter urban planning, he said there should be infrastructure expansion to new districts to ease pressure on city centres. He emphasised that Nigeria’s housing crisis is not insurmountable, stating that “with the right policies, investment, and community involvement, affordable housing can become a reality.”

Possible solutions

Experts noted that public-private partnerships that entail joint projects between the government and private developers can increase housing stock. Rent-to-own schemes that are already tested in parts of Lagos and Abuja could be expanded nationally.

Also, offering tax breaks to landlords who maintain affordable rents could encourage moderation. Cooperative housing models where communities pool resources to build shared housing can provide alternatives for low-income families. Digital transparency, where online rent portals are concerned, could standardise pricing and reduce exploitation by agents.

Conclusion

Nigeria’s rent crisis is worsening by the year. With two-bedroom flats averaging ₦2.5m, millions of households now struggle to secure decent shelter. The disparities, ₦250,000 in some Benin-City neighbourhoods versus ₦20m in Ikoyi, highlight a deeply fragmented housing market.

Unless urgent steps are taken, the affordability gap will widen, social tensions will increase, and urban poverty will deepen. The question now is whether government and private stakeholders can act quickly enough to prevent the dream of decent housing from slipping further away for millions of Nigerians.

For many tenants across the country, the next rent cycle could determine not just where they live, but whether they can continue to live with dignity at all.

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SEE FULL LIST: Trump’s tariffs on Nigeria, 59 other countries over forced labour claims

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The United States has announced new tariffs on imports from 60 economies, including Nigeria, over what it described as their failure to prohibit the importation of goods produced with forced labour.

The measures, announced by the Office of the United States Trade Representative on Thursday, impose tariffs of either 10 per cent or 12.5 per cent, depending on each country’s forced labour import policies.

According to the USTR, the decision followed investigations launched in May 2026 under Section 301 of the Trade Act into 60 of the United States’ largest trading partners.

The agency said it received more than 1,600 public submissions, held hearings involving over 100 witnesses, and consulted more than 45 governments before announcing the tariffs.

Nigeria is among the countries that will face a 12.5 per cent tariff, while some that USTR deems have adopted or committed to implement bans on imports linked to forced labour will attract a lower 10 per cent rate.

Below is the full list of countries and territories affected by the new US tariffs:

Country/Territory Tariff (%)
Algeria 12.5
Angola 12.5
Argentina 10
Australia 12.5
Bahrain 12.5
Bangladesh 10
Brazil 12.5
Cambodia 10
Canada 10
Chile 12.5
China 12.5
Colombia 12.5
Costa Rica 12.5
Dominican Republic 12.5
Ecuador 10
Egypt 12.5
El Salvador 10
European Union* 10
Guatemala 10
Guyana 12.5
Honduras 10
Hong Kong 12.5
India 10
Indonesia 10
Iraq 12.5
Israel 12.5
Japan* 12.5
Jordan 10
Kazakhstan 12.5
Kuwait 12.5
Libya 12.5
Malaysia 10
Mexico 10
Morocco 12.5
New Zealand 12.5
Nicaragua 12.5
Nigeria 12.5
Norway 12.5
Oman 12.5
Pakistan 10
Peru 12.5
Philippines 12.5
Qatar 12.5
Russia 12.5
Saudi Arabia 12.5
Singapore 12.5
South Africa 12.5
South Korea* 12.5
Sri Lanka 10
Switzerland* 12.5
Taiwan* 10
Thailand 12.5
The Bahamas 12.5
Trinidad and Tobago 10
Turkey 12.5
United Arab Emirates 12.5
United Kingdom 10
Uruguay 12.5
Venezuela 12.5
Vietnam 12.5
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For the European Union, Japan, South Korea, Switzerland and Taiwan, the tariffs are applied net of the Most-Favoured-Nation (MFN) rate, according to the USTR.

PUNCH Online reports that some products are exempted from the tariffs.

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World Bank loans drive Tinubu’s social spending agenda

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As Nigeria leans more on World Bank financing to support social programmes, the President Bola Tinubu administration aims to ease reform pains, with success hinging on accountability, institutional capacity and effective implementation, writes SAMI TUNJI

When President Tinubu unveiled a group of World Bank-backed programmes at the State House Banquet Hall in Abuja on  16 July, the ceremony was presented as the social-policy answer to the economic reforms that have defined his administration.

The programmes span livelihood support, food security, basic education, primary healthcare, public-sector governance and assistance for communities affected by displacement. Collectively, they reveal how the administration is increasingly relying on concessional financing and results-based World Bank programmes to extend social spending beyond the limits of the federal budget.

At the centre of the package are the $500m additional financing for the Nigeria Community Action for Resilience and Economic Stimulus programme, the $300m Solutions for the Internally Displaced and Host Communities project and the Human Capital Opportunities for Prosperity and Equity programmes covering governance, primary healthcare and education.

Although Tinubu’s address described NG-CARES as a $1.25bn programme, the figure includes the original $750m operation and $500m in fresh additional financing. The new financing being launched across NG-CARES, SOLID and the HOPE components is therefore distinct from the cumulative value of the programmes.

The Minister of State for Budget and Economic Planning, Dr Doris Uzoka-Anite, put the fresh package at about $2.42bn in her remarks at the event. That figure broadly reflects $500m for NG-CARES additional financing, $300m for SOLID, $500m for HOPE-Governance, $570m for HOPE-Primary Healthcare and about $552m for HOPE-Education, including support from the Global Partnership for Education.

Behind the numbers is a policy shift. Rather than relying solely on annual appropriations to fund health centres, schools, social registers, cash transfers and livelihood schemes, the government is embedding these interventions in multiyear programmes financed largely through the World Bank’s International Development Association.

The arrangement gives Nigeria access to longer-term and generally cheaper development financing than commercial borrowing. It also brings external performance conditions, independent verification and institutional reform requirements. But it adds to the country’s external obligations and raises a familiar question: whether borrowed money will create services and institutions durable enough to justify the repayment burden.

Reforms meet welfare

Tinubu assumed office in May 2023 and immediately removed the petrol subsidy before allowing a major adjustment in the foreign exchange market. The measures were intended to correct fiscal and monetary distortions, but they also increased transport, energy, food and production costs, leaving households to absorb much of the initial impact.

The administration has consequently faced pressure to show that macroeconomic stabilisation can produce improvements beyond government revenue, foreign reserves and investor sentiment. At the Abuja launch, Tinubu acknowledged that the political and economic sustainability of the reforms would depend on how ordinary Nigerians experienced them.

“Positive results are emerging from our reforms. Robust growth is returning. Confidence is rising. But that progress must be felt in every household, not just in national statistics,” he said in an address delivered on his behalf by the Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Mr Taiwo Oyedele.

Tinubu described NG-CARES, SOLID and HOPE as instruments for converting macroeconomic stability into “better livelihoods, in every ward, for every family.”

His remarks captured the tension in the government’s policy direction. The administration argues that subsidy removal, exchange-rate reform and revenue changes have created fiscal space, yet it is turning to the World Bank to finance a sizeable share of the programmes expected to cushion vulnerable people and rebuild essential services.

The Minister of Budget and Economic Planning, Abubakar Bagudu, admitted that the resources produced by the reforms remained insufficient for the scale of the social challenge.

“The macroeconomic reforms have released remarkable resources, some significant amount of resources for government investment in this area, but that investment is not enough, particularly in the short run,” he said.

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Bagudu added that this explained the need for support from the World Bank and other development finance institutions.

The scale of poverty helps explain the urgency. The World Bank’s April 2026 Nigeria Development Update projected that poverty had risen from 40 per cent, representing 81 million people, in 2019 to about 61 per cent, or 139 million people, in 2025. It said much of the increase predated the current reforms, but the subsequent cost-of-living crisis deepened pressure on vulnerable households.

The World Bank’s new Nigeria Country Partnership Framework for the 2026–2032 fiscal period similarly said more than 60 per cent of Nigerians were estimated to have lived below the national poverty line in 2025. Poor households spend as much as 70 per cent of their income on food, making them particularly exposed to food-price increases.

Against that background, the loans have become more than additional project funding. They are part of the political architecture through which the government hopes to make its reforms socially tolerable.

Results-based financing

The World Bank’s expanding role is also changing how Nigeria designs and delivers social programmes. Much of the financing is structured around measurable results rather than simply releasing funds for government expenditure.

Under such arrangements, participating states and agencies are expected to satisfy agreed conditions, document outcomes and undergo verification before receiving reimbursements or further disbursements. In principle, this reduces the likelihood that funds will be released solely on the strength of budgetary promises.

NG-CARES illustrates the model. The original programme was a $750m operation designed to help households, farmers, communities and small businesses recover from the COVID-19 shock. According to Bagudu, it reached 17.6 million direct beneficiaries between 2021 and 2025.

The World Bank approved another $500m to continue and expand the programme, taking its cumulative financing envelope to $1.25bn. Official project documents show that the additional financing was requested collectively by state governors through the National Economic Council and is intended to expand livelihood assistance, food security services and grants to vulnerable households and firms.

The programme contains safeguards intended to reduce misuse. Participating states are expected to submit audited financial statements, audit beneficiary lists and payments, report fraud and corruption allegations, and establish adequately staffed coordinating units. It also provides for independent verification, third-party monitoring and periodic reporting on environmental and social compliance.

HOPE applies a similar logic to public services. The governance component provides $500m to address institutional weaknesses that constrain education and healthcare delivery, while the primary healthcare programme received $570m in World Bank financing.

Rather than treating weak school and health outcomes only as shortages of buildings or equipment, HOPE links them to budgeting, personnel management, transparency and accountability. States may be expected to improve financial reporting, protect sectoral funding, manage teachers and health workers more effectively, and produce verified evidence of service delivery.

The Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare, Prof Muhammad Pate, said the health reforms were anchored on “one plan, one budget and one report,” bringing together federal, state, local government and development-partner resources.

He said more than 3,000 primary healthcare centres had been revitalised, with another 1,900 projects expected to be completed. According to him, more than 43,000 women and newborns had been transported through the emergency medical system, 78,000 health workers had been retrained and quarterly visits to primary healthcare facilities had risen to 45.5 million from fewer than 10 million in 2023.

Those figures suggest increased activity, but the quality and sustainability of the services remain important. A renovated facility may still lack medicines, electricity, qualified workers or reliable financing after a project closes.

The World Bank’s appraisal framework recognises that risk. HOPE-PHC is designed partly to ensure that domestic resources are provided in budgets for essential medicines, vaccines, diagnostics and other lifesaving commodities, while tracking stock availability in supported facilities.

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The challenge is to prevent World Bank financing from becoming a substitute for domestic responsibility. External loans may help create systems and reward reforms, but salaries, medicines, maintenance and recurrent school expenses must eventually be sustained by Nigerian revenues.

Borrowed human-capital

The most visible change in Tinubu’s social spending agenda is the attempt to treat education, healthcare and social resilience as connected investments rather than separate ministerial projects.

HOPE is the clearest expression of that approach. Its three components address governance, primary healthcare and education, based on the argument that money spent on classrooms and clinics will produce limited results where institutions cannot manage workers, budgets and data.

The Minister of Education, Dr Maruf Alausa, said the HOPE-Education programme represented a $552m investment backed by the World Bank and the Global Partnership for Education. He said it would reach nearly 30 million children, support more than 500,000 teachers and cover tens of thousands of public schools and non-formal learning centres.

The programme is intended to improve foundational learning, expand access and encourage states to carry out institutional reforms. The World Bank has argued that investing in basic skills is essential because Nigeria’s young population cannot become an economic advantage without functional education.

Yet the reliance on credit to fund these basic functions reflects weaknesses in Nigeria’s fiscal structure. Education and healthcare are permanent constitutional responsibilities, not temporary emergency interventions. Funding them through loans can be justified where the financing builds durable systems, expands access or corrects long-standing institutional failures. It becomes harder to justify when borrowed funds repeatedly pay for activities that should be covered through predictable domestic budgets.

SOLID expands the same debate to displacement. The $300m project was approved by the World Bank in August 2025 to improve essential services and economic opportunities for internally displaced people and their host communities in selected local government areas in northern Nigeria. It is expected to benefit up to 7.4 million people, including about 1.3 million displaced persons.

The project marks a shift from short-term humanitarian assistance towards development financing. Roads, water systems, schools, clinics, livelihoods and local institutions are intended to help communities absorb displaced populations while enabling affected households to become more self-reliant.

The Minister of Humanitarian Affairs and Poverty Reduction, Dr Bernard Doro, described the older approach as episodic: “A blanket today, a pack of grain tomorrow.”

He said the government’s emerging system was designed to move households “from emergency relief to resilience, to self-reliance and productivity.”

“For me, these are not merely programmes; they are statements of national intent that no Nigerian, however remote or displaced, is beyond the reach of this government’s care,” Doro said.

That policy direction is consistent with the World Bank’s position that forced displacement should be treated as a development problem, not only as a humanitarian emergency.

For Nigeria, however, loans cannot resolve the causes of displacement. Infrastructure and livelihood support may ease pressure on communities, but insecurity, conflict, banditry, flooding and climate shocks will continue to generate new needs unless addressed directly.

This creates a risk that the state borrows to manage the consequences of failures it has not prevented. If insecurity persists, facilities built under SOLID could become overstretched, abandoned or inaccessible. If displaced people cannot safely return home or integrate into host communities, the programme may provide temporary stability without resolving the underlying crisis.

The same applies to education and health. Credit can rehabilitate schools and clinics, but cannot by itself guarantee teacher attendance, health-worker retention, safe communities, competent local administration or sustained domestic financing.

Debt, delivery test

The attraction of World Bank financing is understandable. Nigeria faces large social needs, weak revenue mobilisation and high domestic borrowing costs. Concessional external credit can provide longer repayment periods, technical support and access to global experience.

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But the growing use of World Bank loans also adds to a rising debt stock.

Data from the Debt Management Office showed that Nigeria’s total public debt reached N159.28tn at the end of December 2025. Domestic debt accounted for N84.84tn, while external debt stood at N74.42tn, equivalent to about $51.85bn.

Nigeria’s obligations to the World Bank rose to about $19.89bn by the end of 2025, from $17.81bn a year earlier. The International Development Association accounted for approximately $18.51bn, while exposure to the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development made up the balance.

The World Bank is consequently not only a development adviser but also one of Nigeria’s most important external creditors.

This relationship is likely to deepen under the Bank’s Country Partnership Framework for Nigeria covering 2026 to 2032. The framework seeks to promote private-sector-led growth, job creation and improved access to energy, digital and agricultural services. The Bank approved an initial $1.25bn financing operation alongside the new strategy in June 2026.

Nigeria’s broader World Bank portfolio has been described as comprising about 30 projects with more than $16.9bn in IBRD and IDA commitments, the greater share coming from IDA.

The debt burden does not automatically make the social-sector loans undesirable. Borrowing for projects that increase productivity, reduce preventable deaths, improve learning and enable households to earn stable incomes can generate economic and social returns greater than their cost.

The danger lies in weak implementation, delayed disbursement, duplicated programmes and projects that end without functioning institutions.

The Chairman of the Nigeria Governors’ Forum and Kwara State Governor, AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq, represented by Ondo State Governor Lucky Aiyedatiwa, said the 36 states were committed to working with the Federal Government and development partners.

He argued that NG-CARES had shown what was possible when the Federal Government, states and partners held themselves to common accountability standards.

That commitment will be tested when states are required to provide counterpart resources, publish results, maintain facilities and submit to independent assessments. Programmes for results can encourage reform, but they may also favour states with stronger institutions, leaving poorer and conflict-affected states struggling to meet conditions despite having greater needs.

The National Assembly also has a role. Senate President Godswill Akpabio, represented by the Chairman of the Senate Committee on Finance, Mohammed Musa, pledged legislative support and oversight.

“We understand that appropriations must produce deliverable outcomes of impact and oversight must strengthen implementation rather than obstruction,” he said.

For that pledge to matter, lawmakers must scrutinise loan terms, disbursement conditions, implementation reports and measurable outcomes rather than treating approval as the end of the process.

The wider accountability question is whether Nigerians can trace funds from federal agreements to state budgets, local institutions and individual communities. Beneficiary registers, procurement awards, independent verification reports and state-by-state disbursements should be publicly accessible.

World Bank Country Director for Nigeria, Matthew Verghis, said the success of such programmes depended on leadership commitment and collaboration among the tiers of government.

“The World Bank is proud to partner with the Government of Nigeria, working with the other development partners in advancing this vision, and we look forward to working together to deliver tangible results that will improve the lives of millions of Nigerians,” he said.

Ultimately, the programmes will not be judged by the size of the loans, the number of launch speeches or the volume of intended beneficiaries. Their value will depend on whether a farmer receives useful support, a displaced family builds a sustainable livelihood, a child learns in a functioning school and a pregnant woman can obtain safe care at a properly staffed health centre.

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Senate pushes bill for Facebook, TikTok offices in Nigeria

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The Senate on Thursday advanced legislative efforts to compel global social media companies operating in Nigeria to establish physical offices in the country, as stakeholders overwhelmingly backed the proposal during a public hearing in Abuja.

The public hearing, organised by the Senate Committee on Information and Communications Technology and Cyber Security, also received broad support for a separate bill seeking to establish an Artificial Intelligence Academy in Omuo-Ekiti, Ekiti State.

The proposed legislation on social media platforms, sponsored by Ned Nwoko (Delta North), seeks to amend the Nigeria Data Protection Act, 2023, to mandate social media companies operating in Nigeria to maintain physical offices within the country’s territorial boundaries.

The AI Academy bill is sponsored by the Chairman of the Senate Committee on Media and Publicity, Yemi Adaramodu (Ekiti South).

Declaring the hearing open, Chairman of the Senate Committee on ICT and Cyber Security, Shuaib Salisu (Ogun Central), said the two bills were aimed at strengthening Nigeria’s digital economy and technological advancement.

According to him, while the social media bill seeks to improve the regulation and protection of Nigeria’s cyberspace, the proposed AI Academy is intended to serve as a centre of excellence for artificial intelligence education, research and innovation.

President of the Senate, Godswill Akpabio, represented by the Deputy Senate Leader, Lola Ashiru (Kwara South), described both proposals as forward-looking and nationally significant.

Akpabio said the bill requiring social media companies to establish physical offices in Nigeria was not intended to stifle their operations but to promote greater accountability and engagement with the country.

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Also defending the bill, Nwoko dismissed concerns that the legislation could discourage investment or target technology companies.

He said, “This Bill is neither punitive nor hostile to innovation. It is not designed to frustrate investment or discourage technology companies from operating in Nigeria.

“On the contrary, it seeks to deepen their engagement with Nigeria by encouraging them to become true corporate citizens of our country.”

The lawmaker argued that many countries with smaller populations and digital markets than Nigeria had successfully attracted global technology firms to establish local operations.

“Around the world, major technology companies have established headquarters, regional offices, engineering centres and operational hubs in countries such as the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Spain, Singapore, India, the United Arab Emirates, South Africa, Brazil, Australia, and Japan,” he said.

Nwoko dismissed concerns that the proposed legislation was aimed at targeting or discouraging global technology companies, insisting that it was intended to strengthen their presence and engagement in Nigeria.

He said many countries, including the United Kingdom, India, the United Arab Emirates, South Africa and Brazil, had attracted global technology firms to establish local offices that support engineering, artificial intelligence research, regulatory compliance, customer support and other operations.

“These offices perform diverse functions ranging from engineering and artificial intelligence research to legal and regulatory compliance, public policy, advertising, trust and safety, cloud services, sales, customer support and product development.

“These countries did not attract such investments by accident. They recognised early that the digital economy is now as important as the traditional economy.

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“By encouraging global technology companies to establish local operations, they have created employment, expanded tax revenues, strengthened regulatory engagement, promoted innovation and encouraged technology transfer to their citizens,” he stated.

Citing Ireland as an example, Nwoko said the presence of companies such as Meta, Google, LinkedIn, TikTok and X had transformed the country into one of Europe’s leading technology hubs through job creation, innovation and increased foreign investment.

He argued that Nigeria, as Africa’s largest digital market, should enjoy similar economic and technological benefits.

“The question therefore is simple: if countries with significantly smaller populations and digital markets than Nigeria have secured these investments and benefits, why should Nigeria continue to stand on the sidelines? Why should Africa’s largest digital market not enjoy the same opportunities?”

The committee is expected to consider memoranda submitted by stakeholders before presenting its report to the Senate for further legislative action.

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