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Crude-for-loans: NNPCL battles N8.07tn outstanding debt

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The Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited is burdened with crude-backed loan obligations estimated at N8.07tn, according to an analysis of its 2024 financial statements and capital-commitment disclosures.

The liabilities stretch across multiple forward-sale and project-financing arrangements that are expected to be serviced through substantial crude oil and gas deliveries. The commitments have become a major pillar of NNPCL’s funding structure following years of fiscal pressure, volatile crude production, and declining upstream investment.

Several of the facilities were used to refinance older debts, fund refinery rehabilitation, support cash flow, and meet government revenue obligations.

One of the major exposures is tied to the Eagle Export Funding arrangement. Although the 2024 financial statement notes that “at least 1.8 million barrels” must be delivered per cycle, earlier reporting by The PUNCH shows the facility consists of three separate loan tranches.

The first, a $935m loan obtained in 2020 and backed by 30,000 barrels per day, was fully repaid by September 2023. A second tranche of $635m was also cleared within the same period. The only outstanding portion is the Project Eagle Export Funding Subsequent 2 Debt, a $900m facility secured in 2023 and pledged against 21,000 barrels per day.

Repayment is scheduled to begin in June 2024, with final maturity expected in 2028. As of December 2024, the outstanding balance stood at N1.1tn, making Eagle one of the company’s significant forward-sale exposures.

“The Company had capital commitments of N1.1tn as at the year ended 31 December 2024 (31 December 2023: N1.2tn). This relates to the forward sale agreement with Eagle Export Funding Limited for the delivery of Crude Oil.

“Under the contract, Eagle Export Funding Limited will make an upfront payment to NEPL for crude in a Forward Sale Agreement. The payment received is required to be settled with the delivery of crude oil volumes, i.e., NEPL sells crude to Eagle Export Funding Limited based on a delivery schedule.

“Based on the agreement, at least 1,800,000 barrels of Crude oil must be nominated and scheduled by NEPL (and delivered at the relevant delivery terminal to Eagle Export Limited in every delivery period commencing on 28 August 2020,” the company’s financial statement read.

Another major obligation arises from the incremental gas-supply financing arrangement with the Nigeria LNG Limited. Under the agreement, NLNG provided upfront funding of N772bn for gas supplies to be delivered over time.

By the close of 2024, gas worth N535bn had been drawn and N312bn recovered by NLNG, leaving N460bn yet to be supplied. A financing charge of N12bn also accrued in the period, bringing the total outstanding balance to N472bn.

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The refinery rehabilitation programme accounts for some of the largest crude-secured debt commitments. Project Yield, the financing structure backing the Port Harcourt Refinery upgrade, had an outstanding drawdown of N1.4tn at the end of 2024.

The agreement requires NNPCL to deliver refined-product-equivalent volumes of 67,000 barrels per day, with repayment scheduled to begin in June 2025 after a two-and-a-half-year moratorium.

“This is a 7-year N1.5tn PxF loan obtained in October 2022 for general corporate purposes with the ultimate use being the execution of the EPC Contract between PHRC and Tecnimont for the rehabilitation of Port Harcourt Refinery.

“It is secured with a forward sale of refined product equivalent of 67kbpd of crude oil. As of 31 December 2024, the amount drawn is N1.4tn with principal repayment to commence in June 2025 after a moratorium period of 2 years and 6 months.

Therefore, loan commitment as of 31 December 2024 is N1.4tn,” the financial statement read.

Similarly, Project Leopard, another crude-backed forward-sale facility, carried an outstanding balance of N1.3tn. The five-year financing agreement commits the company to deliver 35,000 barrels of crude oil per day, with repayments expected to commence in mid-2025 following a six-month moratorium.

The most significant exposure is tied to Project Gazelle, a large crude-for-cash arrangement used to finance advance tax and royalty payments on Production Sharing Contract assets.

NNPCL had drawn N4.9tn out of the total N5.1tn facility by December 2024. Crude valued at N991bn had been delivered, leaving an outstanding N3.8tn. The agreement requires sustained deliveries of 90,000 barrels per day until the liability is fully extinguished.

When assessed together, the company’s major crude-for-loan facilities—Eagle Export Funding (21,000 bpd), Project Yield (67,000 bpd), Project Leopard (35,000 bpd), and Project Gazelle (90,000 bpd)—represent a combined commitment of 213,000 barrels per day, in addition to separate gas-delivery obligations under the NLNG arrangement.

The volume equates to a sizeable share of Nigeria’s daily crude output, underscoring the long-term implications of these arrangements for government revenue, export allocation, and operational flexibility.

The PUNCH excluded non-debt commitments such as equity stakes in refinery projects and callable capital, which do not qualify as loan obligations. Industry analysts warn that the weight of the obligations leaves NNPCL exposed to fluctuations in crude production and earnings.

The PUNCH earlier reported that Nigeria’s gross profit from crude oil and gas sales plunged by N824.66bn in 2024 despite a rebound in oil production, according to figures from the latest Budget Implementation Report for the fourth quarter of 2024 released by the Budget Office of the Federation.

Data from the report revealed that gross profit from crude and gas sales fell to N1.08tn during the year, from N1.90tn in 2023, representing a 43.32 per cent decline.

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The 2024 performance was also 26.3 per cent below the government’s budgeted target of N1.46tn, underscoring the persistence of weak fiscal inflows from the petroleum sector despite policy reforms aimed at boosting revenue.

Nigeria’s crude output fluctuated between 1.4 and 1.6 million barrels per day, below the 1.78 million barrels per day target used in the 2024 budget.

Despite being the country’s traditional fiscal anchor, gross profit from crude oil and gas sales accounted for only about eight per cent of total oil and gas revenue in 2024, highlighting the structural shift in government earnings toward taxes, royalties, and penalties.

The PUNCH also observed that Nigeria’s crude-oil production inched up in 2024, with data from the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission showing that output rose to 442.21 million barrels, compared with 392.66 million barrels in 2023.

The increase of 49.55 million barrels, or 12.62 per cent, marked a modest recovery in upstream performance following three years of volatility and output disruptions. On a daily-average basis, Nigeria pumped about 1.43 million barrels per day in 2024, up from 1.27 million barrels per day the previous year.

The gradual improvement reflected reduced vandalism along major crude-evacuation corridors, improved coordination among joint-venture partners, and incremental barrels from marginal-field operators licensed under the Petroleum Industry Act.

Despite the increase, Nigeria’s output still lagged its fiscal target of 1.78 million bpd, reflecting lingering infrastructure constraints, under-investment, and crude theft. The shortfall means that actual production achieved only about 80 per cent of the government’s projection, a key reason oil-revenue inflows missed the 2024 budget despite nominal gains from exchange-rate revaluation.

Meanwhile, NNPC’s remittances to the government have repeatedly come under scrutiny by local and international organisations. Earlier this year, the World Bank said NNPC was remitting only half of the financial gains from the removal of petrol subsidies due to debt arrears. It said that, out of the N1.1tn revenue from crude sales and other income in 2024, NNPC remitted only N600bn, leaving a deficit of N500bn unaccounted for.

“Despite the subsidy being fully removed in October 2024, NNPCL started transferring the revenue gains to the Federation only in January 2025. Since then, it has been remitting only 50 per cent of these gains, using the rest to offset past arrears,” the World Bank noted.

The Chief Executive Officer of AHA Strategies and oil and gas expert, Mr Ademola Adigun, earlier linked Nigeria’s declining oil earnings to opaque crude-for-cash agreements and undisclosed loan repayments that have tied up part of the country’s crude output.

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He said some of the government’s oil barrels were already committed to debt settlements and forward-sale contracts, reducing the actual volume that brought fresh revenue into the Federation Account.

In October 2024, The PUNCH reported that the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited pledged 272,500 barrels per day of crude through a series of crude-for-loan deals totalling $8.86bn.

Pledging 272,500 barrels daily means that about 8.17 million barrels of crude are diverted monthly for various loan arrangements, based on an analysis of a report by the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative and the NNPCL’s financial statements.

Adigun said, “Some of our crude is already tied up in loan agreements. The problem is that Nigeria doesn’t know the full details of these transactions because there’s little transparency around them.”

He explained that several crude-backed projects, such as Project Gazelle, were carried out without proper public disclosure or parliamentary scrutiny. He added that the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative should strengthen its audits to determine how much of the country’s crude is being used for debt repayment or swap transactions.

Development economist and Chief Executive Officer of CSA Advisory, Dr Aliyu Ilias, said Nigeria’s crude trading structure had become increasingly complex, involving swaps and oil-to-naira exchanges that might not be fully accounted for. He urged the government to commission a study on how such short-term crude transactions affect fiscal performance.

The Director of the Centre for the Promotion of Private Enterprise, Dr Muda Yusuf, recalled that during the tenure of the former Central Bank Governor, Godwin Emefiele, several forward-sale deals were signed to raise emergency funds when the government faced fiscal pressure.

“During the Emefiele years, Nigeria committed a lot of its crude up front,” he said. “Those forward sales are still eating into our current earnings.”

He explained that the combination of forward sales, opaque trading, and off-balance-sheet transactions had distorted the relationship between production and earnings.

Yusuf, however, noted that transparency and professionalism within the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited had improved under the current administration of Bayo Ojulari. “Under the new management of the NNPCL, there’s better professionalism and openness,” he said.

He added that the government must disclose the full details of its crude swap and forward-sale agreements to restore confidence in oil revenue reporting.

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SEE FULL LIST: Trump’s tariffs on Nigeria, 59 other countries over forced labour claims

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The United States has announced new tariffs on imports from 60 economies, including Nigeria, over what it described as their failure to prohibit the importation of goods produced with forced labour.

The measures, announced by the Office of the United States Trade Representative on Thursday, impose tariffs of either 10 per cent or 12.5 per cent, depending on each country’s forced labour import policies.

According to the USTR, the decision followed investigations launched in May 2026 under Section 301 of the Trade Act into 60 of the United States’ largest trading partners.

The agency said it received more than 1,600 public submissions, held hearings involving over 100 witnesses, and consulted more than 45 governments before announcing the tariffs.

Nigeria is among the countries that will face a 12.5 per cent tariff, while some that USTR deems have adopted or committed to implement bans on imports linked to forced labour will attract a lower 10 per cent rate.

Below is the full list of countries and territories affected by the new US tariffs:

Country/Territory Tariff (%)
Algeria 12.5
Angola 12.5
Argentina 10
Australia 12.5
Bahrain 12.5
Bangladesh 10
Brazil 12.5
Cambodia 10
Canada 10
Chile 12.5
China 12.5
Colombia 12.5
Costa Rica 12.5
Dominican Republic 12.5
Ecuador 10
Egypt 12.5
El Salvador 10
European Union* 10
Guatemala 10
Guyana 12.5
Honduras 10
Hong Kong 12.5
India 10
Indonesia 10
Iraq 12.5
Israel 12.5
Japan* 12.5
Jordan 10
Kazakhstan 12.5
Kuwait 12.5
Libya 12.5
Malaysia 10
Mexico 10
Morocco 12.5
New Zealand 12.5
Nicaragua 12.5
Nigeria 12.5
Norway 12.5
Oman 12.5
Pakistan 10
Peru 12.5
Philippines 12.5
Qatar 12.5
Russia 12.5
Saudi Arabia 12.5
Singapore 12.5
South Africa 12.5
South Korea* 12.5
Sri Lanka 10
Switzerland* 12.5
Taiwan* 10
Thailand 12.5
The Bahamas 12.5
Trinidad and Tobago 10
Turkey 12.5
United Arab Emirates 12.5
United Kingdom 10
Uruguay 12.5
Venezuela 12.5
Vietnam 12.5
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For the European Union, Japan, South Korea, Switzerland and Taiwan, the tariffs are applied net of the Most-Favoured-Nation (MFN) rate, according to the USTR.

PUNCH Online reports that some products are exempted from the tariffs.

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World Bank loans drive Tinubu’s social spending agenda

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As Nigeria leans more on World Bank financing to support social programmes, the President Bola Tinubu administration aims to ease reform pains, with success hinging on accountability, institutional capacity and effective implementation, writes SAMI TUNJI

When President Tinubu unveiled a group of World Bank-backed programmes at the State House Banquet Hall in Abuja on  16 July, the ceremony was presented as the social-policy answer to the economic reforms that have defined his administration.

The programmes span livelihood support, food security, basic education, primary healthcare, public-sector governance and assistance for communities affected by displacement. Collectively, they reveal how the administration is increasingly relying on concessional financing and results-based World Bank programmes to extend social spending beyond the limits of the federal budget.

At the centre of the package are the $500m additional financing for the Nigeria Community Action for Resilience and Economic Stimulus programme, the $300m Solutions for the Internally Displaced and Host Communities project and the Human Capital Opportunities for Prosperity and Equity programmes covering governance, primary healthcare and education.

Although Tinubu’s address described NG-CARES as a $1.25bn programme, the figure includes the original $750m operation and $500m in fresh additional financing. The new financing being launched across NG-CARES, SOLID and the HOPE components is therefore distinct from the cumulative value of the programmes.

The Minister of State for Budget and Economic Planning, Dr Doris Uzoka-Anite, put the fresh package at about $2.42bn in her remarks at the event. That figure broadly reflects $500m for NG-CARES additional financing, $300m for SOLID, $500m for HOPE-Governance, $570m for HOPE-Primary Healthcare and about $552m for HOPE-Education, including support from the Global Partnership for Education.

Behind the numbers is a policy shift. Rather than relying solely on annual appropriations to fund health centres, schools, social registers, cash transfers and livelihood schemes, the government is embedding these interventions in multiyear programmes financed largely through the World Bank’s International Development Association.

The arrangement gives Nigeria access to longer-term and generally cheaper development financing than commercial borrowing. It also brings external performance conditions, independent verification and institutional reform requirements. But it adds to the country’s external obligations and raises a familiar question: whether borrowed money will create services and institutions durable enough to justify the repayment burden.

Reforms meet welfare

Tinubu assumed office in May 2023 and immediately removed the petrol subsidy before allowing a major adjustment in the foreign exchange market. The measures were intended to correct fiscal and monetary distortions, but they also increased transport, energy, food and production costs, leaving households to absorb much of the initial impact.

The administration has consequently faced pressure to show that macroeconomic stabilisation can produce improvements beyond government revenue, foreign reserves and investor sentiment. At the Abuja launch, Tinubu acknowledged that the political and economic sustainability of the reforms would depend on how ordinary Nigerians experienced them.

“Positive results are emerging from our reforms. Robust growth is returning. Confidence is rising. But that progress must be felt in every household, not just in national statistics,” he said in an address delivered on his behalf by the Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Mr Taiwo Oyedele.

Tinubu described NG-CARES, SOLID and HOPE as instruments for converting macroeconomic stability into “better livelihoods, in every ward, for every family.”

His remarks captured the tension in the government’s policy direction. The administration argues that subsidy removal, exchange-rate reform and revenue changes have created fiscal space, yet it is turning to the World Bank to finance a sizeable share of the programmes expected to cushion vulnerable people and rebuild essential services.

The Minister of Budget and Economic Planning, Abubakar Bagudu, admitted that the resources produced by the reforms remained insufficient for the scale of the social challenge.

“The macroeconomic reforms have released remarkable resources, some significant amount of resources for government investment in this area, but that investment is not enough, particularly in the short run,” he said.

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Bagudu added that this explained the need for support from the World Bank and other development finance institutions.

The scale of poverty helps explain the urgency. The World Bank’s April 2026 Nigeria Development Update projected that poverty had risen from 40 per cent, representing 81 million people, in 2019 to about 61 per cent, or 139 million people, in 2025. It said much of the increase predated the current reforms, but the subsequent cost-of-living crisis deepened pressure on vulnerable households.

The World Bank’s new Nigeria Country Partnership Framework for the 2026–2032 fiscal period similarly said more than 60 per cent of Nigerians were estimated to have lived below the national poverty line in 2025. Poor households spend as much as 70 per cent of their income on food, making them particularly exposed to food-price increases.

Against that background, the loans have become more than additional project funding. They are part of the political architecture through which the government hopes to make its reforms socially tolerable.

Results-based financing

The World Bank’s expanding role is also changing how Nigeria designs and delivers social programmes. Much of the financing is structured around measurable results rather than simply releasing funds for government expenditure.

Under such arrangements, participating states and agencies are expected to satisfy agreed conditions, document outcomes and undergo verification before receiving reimbursements or further disbursements. In principle, this reduces the likelihood that funds will be released solely on the strength of budgetary promises.

NG-CARES illustrates the model. The original programme was a $750m operation designed to help households, farmers, communities and small businesses recover from the COVID-19 shock. According to Bagudu, it reached 17.6 million direct beneficiaries between 2021 and 2025.

The World Bank approved another $500m to continue and expand the programme, taking its cumulative financing envelope to $1.25bn. Official project documents show that the additional financing was requested collectively by state governors through the National Economic Council and is intended to expand livelihood assistance, food security services and grants to vulnerable households and firms.

The programme contains safeguards intended to reduce misuse. Participating states are expected to submit audited financial statements, audit beneficiary lists and payments, report fraud and corruption allegations, and establish adequately staffed coordinating units. It also provides for independent verification, third-party monitoring and periodic reporting on environmental and social compliance.

HOPE applies a similar logic to public services. The governance component provides $500m to address institutional weaknesses that constrain education and healthcare delivery, while the primary healthcare programme received $570m in World Bank financing.

Rather than treating weak school and health outcomes only as shortages of buildings or equipment, HOPE links them to budgeting, personnel management, transparency and accountability. States may be expected to improve financial reporting, protect sectoral funding, manage teachers and health workers more effectively, and produce verified evidence of service delivery.

The Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare, Prof Muhammad Pate, said the health reforms were anchored on “one plan, one budget and one report,” bringing together federal, state, local government and development-partner resources.

He said more than 3,000 primary healthcare centres had been revitalised, with another 1,900 projects expected to be completed. According to him, more than 43,000 women and newborns had been transported through the emergency medical system, 78,000 health workers had been retrained and quarterly visits to primary healthcare facilities had risen to 45.5 million from fewer than 10 million in 2023.

Those figures suggest increased activity, but the quality and sustainability of the services remain important. A renovated facility may still lack medicines, electricity, qualified workers or reliable financing after a project closes.

The World Bank’s appraisal framework recognises that risk. HOPE-PHC is designed partly to ensure that domestic resources are provided in budgets for essential medicines, vaccines, diagnostics and other lifesaving commodities, while tracking stock availability in supported facilities.

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The challenge is to prevent World Bank financing from becoming a substitute for domestic responsibility. External loans may help create systems and reward reforms, but salaries, medicines, maintenance and recurrent school expenses must eventually be sustained by Nigerian revenues.

Borrowed human-capital

The most visible change in Tinubu’s social spending agenda is the attempt to treat education, healthcare and social resilience as connected investments rather than separate ministerial projects.

HOPE is the clearest expression of that approach. Its three components address governance, primary healthcare and education, based on the argument that money spent on classrooms and clinics will produce limited results where institutions cannot manage workers, budgets and data.

The Minister of Education, Dr Maruf Alausa, said the HOPE-Education programme represented a $552m investment backed by the World Bank and the Global Partnership for Education. He said it would reach nearly 30 million children, support more than 500,000 teachers and cover tens of thousands of public schools and non-formal learning centres.

The programme is intended to improve foundational learning, expand access and encourage states to carry out institutional reforms. The World Bank has argued that investing in basic skills is essential because Nigeria’s young population cannot become an economic advantage without functional education.

Yet the reliance on credit to fund these basic functions reflects weaknesses in Nigeria’s fiscal structure. Education and healthcare are permanent constitutional responsibilities, not temporary emergency interventions. Funding them through loans can be justified where the financing builds durable systems, expands access or corrects long-standing institutional failures. It becomes harder to justify when borrowed funds repeatedly pay for activities that should be covered through predictable domestic budgets.

SOLID expands the same debate to displacement. The $300m project was approved by the World Bank in August 2025 to improve essential services and economic opportunities for internally displaced people and their host communities in selected local government areas in northern Nigeria. It is expected to benefit up to 7.4 million people, including about 1.3 million displaced persons.

The project marks a shift from short-term humanitarian assistance towards development financing. Roads, water systems, schools, clinics, livelihoods and local institutions are intended to help communities absorb displaced populations while enabling affected households to become more self-reliant.

The Minister of Humanitarian Affairs and Poverty Reduction, Dr Bernard Doro, described the older approach as episodic: “A blanket today, a pack of grain tomorrow.”

He said the government’s emerging system was designed to move households “from emergency relief to resilience, to self-reliance and productivity.”

“For me, these are not merely programmes; they are statements of national intent that no Nigerian, however remote or displaced, is beyond the reach of this government’s care,” Doro said.

That policy direction is consistent with the World Bank’s position that forced displacement should be treated as a development problem, not only as a humanitarian emergency.

For Nigeria, however, loans cannot resolve the causes of displacement. Infrastructure and livelihood support may ease pressure on communities, but insecurity, conflict, banditry, flooding and climate shocks will continue to generate new needs unless addressed directly.

This creates a risk that the state borrows to manage the consequences of failures it has not prevented. If insecurity persists, facilities built under SOLID could become overstretched, abandoned or inaccessible. If displaced people cannot safely return home or integrate into host communities, the programme may provide temporary stability without resolving the underlying crisis.

The same applies to education and health. Credit can rehabilitate schools and clinics, but cannot by itself guarantee teacher attendance, health-worker retention, safe communities, competent local administration or sustained domestic financing.

Debt, delivery test

The attraction of World Bank financing is understandable. Nigeria faces large social needs, weak revenue mobilisation and high domestic borrowing costs. Concessional external credit can provide longer repayment periods, technical support and access to global experience.

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But the growing use of World Bank loans also adds to a rising debt stock.

Data from the Debt Management Office showed that Nigeria’s total public debt reached N159.28tn at the end of December 2025. Domestic debt accounted for N84.84tn, while external debt stood at N74.42tn, equivalent to about $51.85bn.

Nigeria’s obligations to the World Bank rose to about $19.89bn by the end of 2025, from $17.81bn a year earlier. The International Development Association accounted for approximately $18.51bn, while exposure to the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development made up the balance.

The World Bank is consequently not only a development adviser but also one of Nigeria’s most important external creditors.

This relationship is likely to deepen under the Bank’s Country Partnership Framework for Nigeria covering 2026 to 2032. The framework seeks to promote private-sector-led growth, job creation and improved access to energy, digital and agricultural services. The Bank approved an initial $1.25bn financing operation alongside the new strategy in June 2026.

Nigeria’s broader World Bank portfolio has been described as comprising about 30 projects with more than $16.9bn in IBRD and IDA commitments, the greater share coming from IDA.

The debt burden does not automatically make the social-sector loans undesirable. Borrowing for projects that increase productivity, reduce preventable deaths, improve learning and enable households to earn stable incomes can generate economic and social returns greater than their cost.

The danger lies in weak implementation, delayed disbursement, duplicated programmes and projects that end without functioning institutions.

The Chairman of the Nigeria Governors’ Forum and Kwara State Governor, AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq, represented by Ondo State Governor Lucky Aiyedatiwa, said the 36 states were committed to working with the Federal Government and development partners.

He argued that NG-CARES had shown what was possible when the Federal Government, states and partners held themselves to common accountability standards.

That commitment will be tested when states are required to provide counterpart resources, publish results, maintain facilities and submit to independent assessments. Programmes for results can encourage reform, but they may also favour states with stronger institutions, leaving poorer and conflict-affected states struggling to meet conditions despite having greater needs.

The National Assembly also has a role. Senate President Godswill Akpabio, represented by the Chairman of the Senate Committee on Finance, Mohammed Musa, pledged legislative support and oversight.

“We understand that appropriations must produce deliverable outcomes of impact and oversight must strengthen implementation rather than obstruction,” he said.

For that pledge to matter, lawmakers must scrutinise loan terms, disbursement conditions, implementation reports and measurable outcomes rather than treating approval as the end of the process.

The wider accountability question is whether Nigerians can trace funds from federal agreements to state budgets, local institutions and individual communities. Beneficiary registers, procurement awards, independent verification reports and state-by-state disbursements should be publicly accessible.

World Bank Country Director for Nigeria, Matthew Verghis, said the success of such programmes depended on leadership commitment and collaboration among the tiers of government.

“The World Bank is proud to partner with the Government of Nigeria, working with the other development partners in advancing this vision, and we look forward to working together to deliver tangible results that will improve the lives of millions of Nigerians,” he said.

Ultimately, the programmes will not be judged by the size of the loans, the number of launch speeches or the volume of intended beneficiaries. Their value will depend on whether a farmer receives useful support, a displaced family builds a sustainable livelihood, a child learns in a functioning school and a pregnant woman can obtain safe care at a properly staffed health centre.

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Senate pushes bill for Facebook, TikTok offices in Nigeria

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The Senate on Thursday advanced legislative efforts to compel global social media companies operating in Nigeria to establish physical offices in the country, as stakeholders overwhelmingly backed the proposal during a public hearing in Abuja.

The public hearing, organised by the Senate Committee on Information and Communications Technology and Cyber Security, also received broad support for a separate bill seeking to establish an Artificial Intelligence Academy in Omuo-Ekiti, Ekiti State.

The proposed legislation on social media platforms, sponsored by Ned Nwoko (Delta North), seeks to amend the Nigeria Data Protection Act, 2023, to mandate social media companies operating in Nigeria to maintain physical offices within the country’s territorial boundaries.

The AI Academy bill is sponsored by the Chairman of the Senate Committee on Media and Publicity, Yemi Adaramodu (Ekiti South).

Declaring the hearing open, Chairman of the Senate Committee on ICT and Cyber Security, Shuaib Salisu (Ogun Central), said the two bills were aimed at strengthening Nigeria’s digital economy and technological advancement.

According to him, while the social media bill seeks to improve the regulation and protection of Nigeria’s cyberspace, the proposed AI Academy is intended to serve as a centre of excellence for artificial intelligence education, research and innovation.

President of the Senate, Godswill Akpabio, represented by the Deputy Senate Leader, Lola Ashiru (Kwara South), described both proposals as forward-looking and nationally significant.

Akpabio said the bill requiring social media companies to establish physical offices in Nigeria was not intended to stifle their operations but to promote greater accountability and engagement with the country.

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Also defending the bill, Nwoko dismissed concerns that the legislation could discourage investment or target technology companies.

He said, “This Bill is neither punitive nor hostile to innovation. It is not designed to frustrate investment or discourage technology companies from operating in Nigeria.

“On the contrary, it seeks to deepen their engagement with Nigeria by encouraging them to become true corporate citizens of our country.”

The lawmaker argued that many countries with smaller populations and digital markets than Nigeria had successfully attracted global technology firms to establish local operations.

“Around the world, major technology companies have established headquarters, regional offices, engineering centres and operational hubs in countries such as the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Spain, Singapore, India, the United Arab Emirates, South Africa, Brazil, Australia, and Japan,” he said.

Nwoko dismissed concerns that the proposed legislation was aimed at targeting or discouraging global technology companies, insisting that it was intended to strengthen their presence and engagement in Nigeria.

He said many countries, including the United Kingdom, India, the United Arab Emirates, South Africa and Brazil, had attracted global technology firms to establish local offices that support engineering, artificial intelligence research, regulatory compliance, customer support and other operations.

“These offices perform diverse functions ranging from engineering and artificial intelligence research to legal and regulatory compliance, public policy, advertising, trust and safety, cloud services, sales, customer support and product development.

“These countries did not attract such investments by accident. They recognised early that the digital economy is now as important as the traditional economy.

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“By encouraging global technology companies to establish local operations, they have created employment, expanded tax revenues, strengthened regulatory engagement, promoted innovation and encouraged technology transfer to their citizens,” he stated.

Citing Ireland as an example, Nwoko said the presence of companies such as Meta, Google, LinkedIn, TikTok and X had transformed the country into one of Europe’s leading technology hubs through job creation, innovation and increased foreign investment.

He argued that Nigeria, as Africa’s largest digital market, should enjoy similar economic and technological benefits.

“The question therefore is simple: if countries with significantly smaller populations and digital markets than Nigeria have secured these investments and benefits, why should Nigeria continue to stand on the sidelines? Why should Africa’s largest digital market not enjoy the same opportunities?”

The committee is expected to consider memoranda submitted by stakeholders before presenting its report to the Senate for further legislative action.

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