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Refineries spend N5.7tn on foreign oil despite naira-for-crude policy

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Despite its status as Africa’s largest crude oil producer, Nigeria imported crude oil worth a staggering N5.734tn between January and December 2025 as domestic refineries grappled with persistent feedstock shortages, exposing a deepening supply paradox in the country’s oil sector, The PUNCH reports.

This comes in spite of the Federal Government’s much-publicised naira-for-crude policy designed to prioritise local supply.

Yet, even as the policy sought to channel crude to local refineries, Nigeria produced 530.41 million barrels and earned about N55.5tn from crude oil sales in 2025, highlighting a stark disconnect between robust upstream output and domestic supply shortages.

Data obtained from the National Bureau of Statistics and analysed by our correspondent on Tuesday, showed that the surge represents a dramatic shift from 2024, when no crude imports were recorded, indicating a 100 per cent increase year-on-year.

An analysis of the NBS Foreign Trade in Goods Statistics report revealed that crude oil imports, classified under “Petroleum oils and oils obtained from bituminous minerals, crude”, became one of Nigeria’s major import items in 2025, driven by supply shortages to domestic refineries.

In the first quarter alone, Nigeria imported crude worth N1.19tn, underscoring the urgency with which refinery operators turned to alternative feedstock sources.

The figure rose sharply by about 37.8 per cent to N1.64tn in the second quarter, before climbing further by 46.5 per cent to N2.403tn in the third quarter, reflecting intensifying domestic supply constraints.

However, imports dropped steeply by approximately 79.2 per cent to N499.75bn in the fourth quarter, suggesting a late-year easing in demand or improved local availability, though still indicative of a volatile and inconsistent crude supply environment throughout the year.

Although the NBS report did not name specific refineries, the pattern reflects the broader systemic failure in aligning domestic crude production with local refining demand.

A further breakdown of the figures shows wide monthly fluctuations in crude imports, reflecting unstable supply conditions in the domestic market.

Refineries imported crude worth N335.69bn in January, rising by 32.6 per cent to N445.27bn in February, before declining by 8.5 per cent to N407.29bn in March.

Imports dipped slightly to N335.31bn in April but surged dramatically by 116 per cent to N724.23bn in May, suggesting heightened supply constraints locally.

In June, imports fell by 19.5 per cent to N582.94bn, before spiking to a yearly peak of N1.28tn in July, an increase of about 120 per cent, marking the highest monthly import bill in the year.

This was followed by a 51.8 per cent drop to N619.24bn in August, and further declines to N499.41bn in September and N407.08bn in October.

Imports plunged sharply by 77.2 per cent to N92.67bn in November, before dropping to zero in December, indicating a temporary easing of demand or improved local supply towards year-end.

Overall, the trend underscores a volatile supply environment, with refineries forced to adjust sourcing strategies month by month.

Findings by The PUNCH indicate that local refineries, ranging from modular plants to mega facilities such as the Dangote Refinery, are increasingly turning to international markets due to persistent challenges in sourcing crude domestically.

The refineries cite a combination of structural and commercial factors behind the development.

This was confirmed by the Crude Oil Refinery-owners Association of Nigeria, which noted that refineries turn to imports for survival and increased production capacity.

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The CORAN Publicity secretary, Eche Idoko, stated in an interview that domestic refiners within the supply chain have been marginalised.

He confirmed that for several months, no allocation has been received under the Domestic Crude Oil Supply Obligation framework, naira for crude policy or through any other special arrangements.

He said, “Local refiners, especially the modular refineries, have not been getting crude, I mean zero allocation, under the DCSO or any other special arrangement.”

He said the DCSO implementation has been hampered by the ‘willing buyer, willing seller’ policy

Idoko said a modular refinery like Opac couldn’t get crude, and it stopped production for months.

According to Idoko, local refineries have the capacity to produce more than their current output, blaming the lack of enough feedstock for the current output. “We have the capacity to produce far more than what we are producing now. The challenge has always been inadequate feedstock,” he stated.

Idoko stated that some modular refineries like OPAC produce about 10 per cent of their capacities, while some shut down due to a lack of crude oil.

“A good example, the OPAC refinery has a 10,000-barrel capacity. It produces just about 1,000, and it’s not consistent. Sometimes, the refinery is shut down for months because of the unavailability of crude. The Dangote refinery was recently producing at 60 per cent of its total capacity due to the unavailability of feedstock.”

Earlier this month, Dangote Petroleum Refinery & Petrochemicals also cleared the air on the crude oil supply being received from the Nigerian National Petroleum Company under the naira-for-crude arrangement, disclosing that it receives five cargoes of crude monthly which are paid for in naira.

However, it stated that this falls significantly short of the 13 cargoes required each month to meet domestic demand.

The refinery in a statement issued further explained that the shortfall of eight cargoes is being bought from other sources outside the country.

In addition, it stated that the NNPC cargoes are priced at international market rates plus a premium.

As a result, the company said it is compelled to source additional crude from local and international traders, procuring foreign exchange at prevailing open market rates to complete the purchases.

Further investigations revealed that International Oil Companies operating in Nigeria have been reluctant to prioritise domestic crude supply, largely due to better pricing and fewer regulatory constraints in the international market.

Experts say IOCs prefer exporting crude under long-term contracts denominated in dollars, rather than selling locally under conditions that may involve pricing benchmarks, currency risks, or policy uncertainties.

They added that disputes over pricing frameworks, particularly when crude is sold at a premium and third-party influence, have further complicated domestic supply arrangements.

Similarly, an alternative solution provided by the government through the naira-for-crude policy to allow domestic refineries to purchase crude oil in local currency, reduce pressure on foreign exchange, and ensure a steady feedstock supply hasn’t met expectations.

The policy introduced in October 2024 gained prominence with the ramp-up of refining capacity, particularly from the Dangote Refinery, and was expected to mark a turning point in Nigeria’s downstream sector.

Under the arrangement, refiners would pay for crude in naira, while the government would manage foreign exchange implications through the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited.

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However, the 2025 import figures suggest that the policy has not fully achieved its core objective.

This situation is driven by several structural challenges, including a mismatch between allocated crude and refinery demand, persistent pricing disagreements over benchmark terms, concerns among upstream producers about naira volatility, and existing forward sales and export commitments that limit the volume of crude available for domestic refining.

The NBS data further showed that Nigeria sourced its imported crude primarily from African countries such as Algeria, Angola while imports from the United States of America accounting for the largest share.

This trend reflects the growing integration of global crude markets, where refiners prioritise reliability and quality over geographic proximity.

Commenting, energy analysts have faulted the implementation of the Federal Government’s naira-for-crude policy, arguing that it has failed to significantly improve domestic crude supply or reduce fuel prices.

The Chief Executive Officer of Petroleumprice.ng, Jeremiah Olatide, said the policy has delivered little impact since its introduction in 2024, as most refineries continue to rely heavily on imported crude.

Speaking in a telephone interview with The PUNCH, he said, “For me, the naira-for-crude policy that was initiated in 2024 has not yielded any reasonable output because the Dangote refinery still sources about 65 to 70 per cent of its feedstock from abroad, while about 95 per cent of modular refineries also source their crude outside the naira-for-crude initiative.

“So, the initiative, for me, is not effective, and that is why we are still seeing a large inflow and importation of crude oil in 2025. In turn, prices at the depot and pump have not been different from when we were fully importing refined products.”

He noted that while the coming on stream of large-scale refining capacity has improved product availability, it has not translated into price relief for consumers.

“The only difference now is that we no longer have supply fears; there is availability of products. But in terms of pricing, I would say the naira-for-crude policy has not translated into lower prices at the depot or pump,” he added.

Jeremiah attributed this to the continued reliance on international pricing benchmarks, even for locally supplied crude.

“Dangote’s crude from the Nigerian National Petroleum Company is still priced internationally and benchmarked to Brent. So it is not as effective as the name implies. The refinery still has to pay based on international prices when converted,” he said.

He argued that to achieve meaningful price stability, the government may need to rethink its approach.

“For me, I feel that the subsidy removal in 2023 should be replaced with another form of subsidy, but this time targeted at refineries. The crude supplied to local refineries should be subsidised. That is the only way prices can be stabilised and Nigerians will feel the impact at the pump,” he stated.

He added that the current arrangement contradicts provisions of the Petroleum Industry Act, which prioritises domestic crude supply.

“The agreement should be revisited. The policy is not effective, and Nigerians are not supposed to be buying fuel at high prices, considering that we have crude and a giant refinery. Local refineries should not struggle to access crude at all,” he said.

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Similarly, a Professor of Energy, Dayo Ayoade, said structural issues in Nigeria’s upstream sector have made it difficult for policies like naira-for-crude to succeed in practice.

“We have deeply unreliable supply from NNPC, largely because the company forward-sold crude oil to secure loans for the government in the past,” he said.

“Also, for over 19 years while the Petroleum Industry Bill was being delayed, there was significant underinvestment in the upstream sector. When you combine this with government’s priority of earning foreign exchange and servicing debts, you will see that, in practice, initiatives like naira-for-crude are more on paper than reality.”

He explained that Nigeria’s current production levels are insufficient to meet both export obligations and domestic refining demand.

“NNPC must have crude oil that it can supply, but it doesn’t. By the time international oil companies take their allocations under joint ventures and production sharing contracts, very little is left,” he said.

“Take the 650,000 barrels per day Dangote refinery, for instance. It would require about 650,000 barrels daily to operate at full capacity. That is not feasible at the moment. That crude simply does not exist in available volumes right now.”

Ayoade further noted that crude importation is built into the operational model of modern refineries.

“We also need to understand that the configuration of the refinery requires a blend of different crude grades. Nigeria’s light sweet crude alone is not sufficient, so some level of importation is part of the refinery’s design and business plan,” he said.

On the outlook for 2026, he warned that the trend of crude importation by domestic refineries is likely to persist.

“This pattern will likely will continue in 2026 because issues like logistics bottlenecks, pipeline vandalism, oil theft, and delayed field development cannot be solved in a short time,” he said.

“As long as crude oil accounts for over 95 per cent of our foreign exchange earnings and the government prioritises exports, we will continue to see this pattern for a few more years.”

He added, “That is why I am always cautious when people talk about new refineries coming on stream. The real question is: where will the crude oil come from? That is the fundamental issue.”

Nigeria has long relied on imported refined petroleum products due to inadequate domestic refining capacity. However, recent investments in local refineries were expected to reverse this trend by boosting in-country processing of crude oil.

The Petroleum Industry Act introduced provisions aimed at ensuring a steady supply of crude to domestic refineries, including domestic crude supply obligations.

However, implementation challenges, legacy contractual commitments, and market realities have slowed progress, leaving refiners to navigate supply gaps through imports.

The N5.734tn crude import bill in 2025 now highlights a new phase in Nigeria’s oil sector paradox, where the challenge is no longer just refining capacity, but access to crude itself.

As the country pushes to maximise value from its hydrocarbon resources, the ability to align upstream production with downstream demand will remain critical to achieving true energy independence.

punch.ng

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FG to end regulated gas pricing in 2028

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Nigeria is set to end regulated pricing in the domestic gas market by September 24, 2028, as the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority targets a transition to a fully established willing-buyer, willing-seller framework.

The Chief Executive of NMDPRA, Rabiu Umar, disclosed this on Thursday at the Gas Market Maturity Workshop organised under the Decade of Gas initiative at the Petroleum Technology Development Fund, Abuja.

Umar said the transition would be based on measurable conditions that demonstrate the maturity of different segments of the gas market, in line with the provisions of the Petroleum Industry Act.

“Gas must be affordable for Nigerians while supporting President Ahmed Tinubu’s investment reforms. This transition is in line with the Nigeria decade of gas goal to become a gas-powered economy by 2030,” he stated.

He said the PIA envisaged a shift from a market largely coordinated through regulation to one driven increasingly by commercial contracts between willing buyers and willing sellers.

“Invariably, this is the first time that we have been bold enough to set a clear target for our gas market transition,” he noted.

According to Umar, the authority was targeting a 24-month period to establish the conditions required to declare the market a fully functioning willing-buyer, willing-seller market.

“The journey we are starting should lead us to a place where we should target a 24-month at best period within which we will be able to declare the market to be truly a willing-buyer, willing-seller market.”

He stressed that the transition must not be based on broad statements of intent but on clearly defined indicators, thresholds and safeguards.

Umar identified supply availability and diversity, the number and quality of buyers and sellers, access to transportation infrastructure, strength of contracts, payment reliability, delivery obligations, market information and credible price signals as key indicators of market maturity.

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The NMDPRA boss, however, said Nigeria’s domestic gas supply remained tight despite the country’s vast gas resources, stressing that infrastructure development must be matched by sufficient gas molecules to utilise the infrastructure.

“If you look at supply, for example, on the domestic side, it is still tight, no matter how you look at it. We have a lot of work to do in our infrastructure space,” he said. “The focus right now is not just delivering the infrastructure, but ensuring that we have enough molecules to fill the pipeline,” he added.

Umar specifically stressed the need to ensure that major gas infrastructure projects, including the Ajaokuta-Kaduna-Kano pipeline, had sufficient gas supply to make them commercially useful.

He said the role of the regulator would also evolve as the market developed, with greater emphasis on establishing market rules, ensuring fair access, protecting competition and monitoring market conduct.

The NMDPRA chief executive disclosed that the authority had commenced consultations on draft regulations on anti-competitive practices, aimed at translating the competition provisions of the PIA into enforceable regulatory rules.

He also called for a realistic assessment of the different segments of the Nigerian gas market, noting that they were at different stages of development.

According to him, the sequencing of the transition would require determining which market segments were ready to move first, the thresholds they must meet and the safeguards required before liberalisation.

Umar further disclosed that the authority was nearing the conclusion of the process for the issuance of gas distribution licences, with the exercise expected to be completed in the coming weeks.

He said qualified companies would be issued gas distribution licences in the fourth quarter of 2026.

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The NMDPRA boss also said the authority was working to deepen domestic utilisation of liquefied petroleum gas and liquefied natural gas, stressing that increased domestic utilisation of the country’s gas resources would be an important indicator of economic growth.

He said the government was also seeking to expand the use of compressed natural gas, while several LNG and gas-to-power projects were being developed across the country.

According to him, greater domestic gas utilisation could support power generation, reduce dependence on imports and minimise transmission losses associated with moving electricity over long distances.

He added that the authority was committed to creating a predictable, coherent and transparent regulatory environment capable of attracting long-term investment into the gas sector.

Umar said gas projects required substantial upfront investment and long-term contracts before investors and financiers could commit capital.

“For you to take an FID in a gas investment, you need to have a long-term contract,” he said, adding that the authority was willing to engage with individual projects to identify regulatory measures that could support their development.

Also speaking, the Coordinating Director of the Decade of Gas Secretariat, Ed Ubong, said Nigeria could achieve a willing-buyer, willing-seller gas market before the end of the first horizon of the Decade of Gas programme in 2030.

Ubong said the programme had identified clear markers for achieving the target, including increasing gas supply to 12.6 billion cubic feet per day by 2030.

He said 16 key infrastructure projects were expected to support the growth of the gas market, while more than 60 projects capable of creating about 15 billion cubic feet per day of gas demand had been identified on the demand side.

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He noted that a mature gas market would also require the development of a successful gas-to-power market and greater access to cooking gas.

In her speech, the President of the Nigerian Gas Association, Engr. Mrs Yetunde Taiwo, said the transition to a willing-buyer, willing-seller market must be driven by clearly defined milestones.

Taiwo said the NGA had consistently advocated for a commercially driven gas market but stressed that the transition must be properly sequenced to avoid moving either prematurely or too slowly.

“As NGA, what we would like to see really is to see those goalposts, those milestones that have been set, that makes it a realistic journey for us to say we have achieved a willing buyer, willing seller status.”

According to her, Nigeria had made significant progress in the gas industry over the past decade, but substantial work remained to be done.

She called for stronger collaboration between government, regulators and industry, with government providing clear policy direction, regulators establishing predictable rules, and industry continuing to invest, innovate and execute projects.

Taiwo said the ultimate objective should be a gas market capable of attracting investment, encouraging greater participation and delivering reliable gas to industries, businesses and consumers.

Source: punchng.com

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State police will tackle food inflation – Lagos Food Bank founder reveals

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Founder/Executive Director of Lagos Food Bank Initiative, Dr Michael Sunbola, tells FELIX OLOYEDE how the not-for-profit organisation is helping Lagos residents overcome hunger

What inspired the Green Harvest Agri-food Initiative?

Green Harvest, of course, is an additional layer of the solution to hunger and malnutrition in Nigeria. On the broad spectrum, I’ve had a journey of being a humanitarian and a food system activist. That journey spans over 10 years already. What brought me to the development and humanitarian space still boils down to my childhood experience. And, of course, experiencing food insecurity, going to school, and not having lunch in school. And, of course, that kind of had an impact. In the sense that I was not interested in school; I felt I should be somewhere else rather than school. And I look at what impact that might actually be having on several families right now, several children. And, of course, that gave birth to the Lagos Food Bank, which then translated into serving families. And thereafter, the Green Harvest Agri-Food Initiative started to create a more sustainable pathway for beneficiaries to fend for themselves. Because we realise that the truth is we cannot distribute our way out of hunger. There has to be a more sustainable pathway for beneficiaries to fend for themselves, earn a decent income, become more economically viable, and grow healthy food by themselves while improving their income. So, that is what Green Harvest is about. I must also mention that Green Harvest focuses on curbing food waste.

Through the Agricultural Recovery Programme under Green Harvest, we partner with local farmers to recover surplus post-harvest produce. And then we, of course, have that redistributed to beneficiaries who are mostly in need of their daily meals. So instead of having a whole lot of food go to waste on the farms, what we do is partner with these local farmers and recover surpluses from them.

Do the farmers from whom you collect waste give it to you for free, or do you pay them?

We collect these items from them for a stipend. For instance, they might have sold a bunch of farm produce for maybe N500,000, and we pay them N50,000. Because instead of it going to waste, they could use that money to buy seedlings. So, it’s a stipend. It can’t be compared to the value. But if they don’t even get that, the entire produce goes to waste.

We see it as a way of supporting the farmers. So at least, it won’t be a total loss for them.

So, they can still buy seedlings; they can still do some basic things while we capture the rest and redistribute them.

How does this initiative plug into the initial objectives you had when you started the Lagos Food Bank 10 years ago?

The Green Harvest Agri-food initiative is the future of what we are doing at the Lagos Food Bank. Because we are now looking at food production, we are looking at empowerment for beneficiaries and getting them out of the hunger line. We are looking at also using the initiative to empower more families on a large scale. Also going to large-scale food production. So, most of what we are doing currently, while we understand it, still kind of focuses on interventions that are more into consumption. This focuses more on production, covering food waste and empowerment. We are also looking at smart agriculture. And some other innovations that are still coming in agriculture, like the Black Soldier Fly and all of that. All of it comes under Green Harvest Africa, Green Harvest Agri-Food Initiative.

In the short term, like five years, how much are you thinking of investing in this initiative?

In the next five years, I might not be able to give a specific figure for what would go into an investment. Because it is not a limited liability company, it is still a non-profit. But in terms of investment, we are still looking at how we are going to work with other development partners and how they can plug into investing. We might not be able to project value accurately, but we know we’ll be working with a lot of development partners.

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What size of farm are you targeting?

We, of course, are looking at having farms. Right now, we are starting in the South-West.

Oyo State, Ogun State and the like. And the idea is for us to kind of control the supply chain for Lagos Food Bank. And we call that backward integration, where instead of getting some of this food, buying it, we could actually be producing it and then also serving it. It’s more like an initiative that helps us control our supply chain and helps improve income for beneficiaries. Because we are controlling our own supply chain through backward integration, we are also going to work with beneficiaries to empower them to grow their own food through backyard farming. There’s one for Lagos Food Bank, and there’s one for beneficiaries, like decentralised kind of farming where beneficiaries have their own farm in their backyards. It’s all part of the Green Harvest Aagri-food Initiative.

The United Nations, one of its agencies, said about 35 million Nigerians are facing hunger. What do you think is responsible for this large number of hungry people in the country? And how do you think we can tackle it holistically?

Hunger in Nigeria is widespread. It boils down to economic policies, the high cost of living, and the cost of fuel and other essential commodities. And when people can barely earn enough to make a living and sustain themselves, it, of course, leads to hunger and poverty. The NBS report, I think in 2023 or 2024, corroborates the fact that more than 60 per cent of our population are multidimensionally poor. Poverty breeds hunger and hunger breeds malnutrition.

I know there are short-term plans and there are long-term plans. We still have to look, in the short term, at how we can create more economic opportunities for people to earn a decent living. And how can the government look at some of its policies that would, of course, have a long-term impact on reducing the economic burden on the average person? And then we need to invest more in agriculture. We need to look at opening the borders, reducing the cost of food, and empowering more farmers to produce more food. It’s a matter of demand and supply. Food inflation is around 25 per cent or so. And we have the overall food inflation and headline inflation basically. So, if we are looking at all of this put together, they are major drivers of the high cost of food basically. Food prices should be reduced so the average person can afford food and, of course, eat decently and nutritiously.

The Family Farming Programme, under the Green Harvest Agri-food Initiative, focuses on training households in farming techniques. What successes have you recorded so far?

So far, we’ve empowered close to 6,000 families, women and youth. Families or households? Women, basically women and youth.  Because women, of course, empower the family. They produce and help the families in the long run. We’ve done direct beneficiaries over 6,000. And as we speak, they have their farms in their backyards; they have livestock; they are growing vegetables. But mainly, much of the income they make comes from livestock. Chickens, snails and the impact of our backyard farming is widespread as we speak.

And we are able to partner with a number of corporate organisations and institutional developments and institutions as well to kind of scale the Backyard Farming Programme. This is one of the most impactful programmes we currently run under the Green Harvest Agri-Food Initiative. And of course, you can look it up where you see the impacts are there.

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The country still faces high post-harvest loss. How is the Agricultural Recovery Company of the Green Harvest working to rescue these losses?

So, essentially, we work with local farmers, smallholder farmers. And we also work with large-scale commercial farms to recover their surpluses, to cut food waste and to reduce the impact of the amount of food that goes into landfills. This, of course, drives climate change. But the most important thing is: how do we reduce food waste across the entire agricultural value chain? From the farmers, from the food processing companies, or from the entire value chain, basically. Food loss and waste happen across the value chain. And what we do is we partner with these farms. They call us, “We have excess; come and pick it up.” We do the cleaning, we do the harvesting, we do everything. Because we have the manpower to work with over 45,000 volunteers to achieve some of these recoveries from the farms.

We also work with corporates in large-scale food processing. They also call on us, and we can recover a lot of kilos.

Like last year, can you give me a figure of tonnes of food you were able to recover through this initiative?

Last year, working across the entire value chain with farmers and food processing companies, we were able to recover at least 45,000 kg. Yeah. No, kg. Could you convert this to tonnes and let’s see what we have? 45, to be small.

What is the black soldier fly all about?

Black soldier fly farming helps convert organic waste into livestock feed, using one of the most innovative agricultural practices. And working with smallholder farmers to support them with livestock feed. For us, it is still in the early stages. In the next two to three years, we ought to have scaled this black soldier fly farming so we can produce more livestock feed and convert more organic waste, helping farmers with livestock feed.

You once said there is a need for government to give tax incentives to corporates who support food, who make food available for people. Why do you think government should give incentive to them?

What the government can do basically is to provide as much incentive for corporates who have taken it upon themselves to provide through their corporate social responsibilities, some form of support for vulnerable people. And the way it is done in other climes, when the corporate organisations put their resources together, they get incentive, they get tax returns, and such support is not treated as an income or expense, and you don’t tax expenses. But here, a whole lot of corporates that still do corporate social responsibility, they struggle to get such incentive from the government and tax bodies do not exempt that expense. So, if it’s not exempted, it’s part of profit which will be taxed. But if it’s an exempted expense, then it will not be, that way, they can get their returns. They won’t bear the burden.

So, that is even the least we’re expecting that the government could do or work with an organisation like ours to give such relief or exemptions to corporates that are supporting. But just to kind of give a bit of context to what I said earlier, the government creates the enabling environment; it creates support for farmers; it creates economic opportunities for people to fend for themselves. And then gives enough incentive to those who support.

How is insecurity threatening some of your agricultural initiatives?

It means that our current production cannot meet the demands of our population. So, what that implies is that it becomes a major driver of high food costs or food inflation. Because I think our issue here in Nigeria is kind of complex, in the sense that we are not just looking at how to increase yields or farmers’ production; we are dealing with a calculated effort as a result of insecurity towards farmers. When they attack farmers, they are not just afraid to go to the farm; production drops, and demand rises. So, it’s a major driver, and I believe one of the things I feel I think is high time the government implement is the state police. They’ve been on it for more than, for over a decade; in fact, more than two decades. The conversation around state police, I think, is that it’s high time it should be implemented.

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It was part of the current government’s campaign promises, and I think we are overripe for it. Honestly, state police should be implemented and fully actioned so that people’s lives, property and farmers can be protected across borders. And the state should take responsibility for its security.

So, you are saying that state police will help curb insecurity among farmers?

Yes. There’s nothing the Federal Government has done unilaterally that it does as efficiently as it does when it is decentralised. Look at NITEL, look at electricity, etc. If it’s centralised, they don’t have the bandwidth to carry it because of our population. The same point applies to the police. Decentralise it; let the state take responsibility, and that will reduce and depopulate what we have on the exclusive legislative list and move it more to the concurrent list. Let the state take responsibility; let the Federal Government take responsibility. And then decentralise it; the effort is better felt that way.

What are the biggest opportunities and challenges for scaling up Green Harvest Agri-food Initiative nationwide?

The biggest opportunity for us still remains the partnerships we could leverage to scale our intervention across the country. The number of partnerships and how many, of course, people come on board, because we are not a business. We are a non-profit, so the only way we can scale is through partnerships, and because many people still need this empowerment and intervention, and the amount of food that still goes to waste across the entire value chain is massive. So, the opportunities are there.

What are the challenges?

The challenges are mainly limited funding, which still holds back how far we can go. As a non-profit, we can only work with partnerships. If there are no partnerships, there is limited funding. There is no funding, there is no impact. And another challenge could possibly be the fact that if we tend to kind of scale, if the issue of security is not addressed, we are still challenged in that; we are still in that particular pool of challenges that other farmers are facing.

How much support do you get from the government?

Currently, what we are doing is 100 per cent private-sector-driven. The government provides us much more support, but not in any financial terms. And to an extent, maybe personnel support. But finances, I can say categorically, not for now, but we are not foreclosing the possibility of working with the government in the future.

We believe we complement the government’s efforts to bring relief to people. And at the right time, we feel that if the government deems it fits, I think we should come on board. Of course, we have built enough capacity to help the government address the immediate and long-term needs of those in the line of work.

What is your vision for the Green Harvest Agri-food Initiative over the next decade?

Food production, empowerment on a large scale. So, we are looking at having at least a presence in all 36 states in Nigeria. And not just serving people directly, but empowering them and creating economic opportunities for families, for farmers. We also want to become a major player in Nigeria’s entire food system and ecosystem. We also want to be a major player in food production and humanitarian relief.

Source: punchng.com

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FG targets $1.2bn private funding for fibre project

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The Federal Government is seeking about $1.2bn in private capital for its planned 90,000-kilometre nationwide fibre network, as the project moves towards physical deployment in October with a newly incorporated company set up to drive its implementation.

Official records from the government and global financial institutions reviewed by The PUNCH show that $800m of the estimated $2bn cost of the Federal Government’s planned fibre network has so far been covered by sovereign financing commitments, leaving about $1.2bn of the project cost outstanding.

The $800m comprises a $500m World Bank facility approved in October 2025, a $100m loan from the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development approved in February 2026, and a $200m African Development Bank loan approved in April, the records show.

The private capital is not a funding requirement that must be met before implementation can start. Rather, it forms the larger remaining portion of the project’s estimated $2bn capital envelope, which the Minister of Communications, Innovation and Digital Economy, Bosun Tijani, pitched in 2024.

Strategic Communications Adviser to the Minister, Osibo Imhoitsike, told The PUNCH that Project BRIDGE had attracted substantial support from international development finance institutions and private-sector mobilisation through the transaction structure.

He confirmed that the sovereign financing secured to date included $500m from the World Bank, $200m from the African Development Bank and $100m from the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development. The European Union also provided a €22m grant for Project BRIDGE.

“The government has received a significant private sector investment offer as part of the PPP structure, and that process is currently being concluded,” Imhoitsike said.

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The minister, Tijani, confirmed in August that physical rollout was expected to begin in October. The October date follows the incorporation of Bridge Open Access, or Bridge OA, in August as the special-purpose vehicle for the project.

“The establishment of the company signalled that the project was moving into its implementation phase, with the industry now expecting the October rollout,” Telecom consultant Ejike Onyeaso told The PUNCH.

“The industry is really looking forward to that because it will help reduce costs for not just mobile network operators but also internet service providers that rely on fibre, particularly in the hinterlands and underserved areas.”

In March 2025, his ministry formally opened an investor consultation process, inviting private-sector players to express interest in the Special Purpose Vehicle for the rollout under a public-private partnership model.

In April 2026, Tijani stated, “We’re now mobilising the private sector to plug the remaining gap,” after noting that over $800m had been raised from the government and World Bank for the project. The project is designed to take the national network from the current 35,000km to roughly 125,000km.

The World Bank said the programme would help close the country’s digital divide by expanding affordable, high-speed broadband to communities that remain unserved or underserved.

“The BRIDGE project puts into action the bold and ambitious vision to unlock the potential of the digital economy in Nigeria, working alongside the private sector,” World Bank Country Director for Nigeria, Mathew Verghis, said.

“Access to fast and reliable internet will help to create more quality jobs for millions of Nigerians across all 774 LGAs in addition to improving the quality of essential services like education and healthcare.”

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Documents from the ministry show that investors are expected to hold a majority stake in Bridge OA, with equity ownership ranging from 51 per cent to 75 per cent and operational control of the company. The Federal Government, through the Ministry of Finance Incorporated, or MoFI, is expected to retain between 25 per cent and 49 per cent.

The structure is intended to bring private capital and operating expertise into a project in which the government is providing part of the financing while retaining a minority position.

Bridge OA will handle the financing and construction of the network and operate it as a wholesale open-access infrastructure company rather than a retail internet provider. It is expected to sell fibre capacity on equal and non-discriminatory terms to qualified operators, including telecommunications companies, internet service providers, banks and cloud providers, rather than directly serving end users.

The rollout had previously been targeted for the fourth quarter of 2025 or the first quarter of 2026, but large-scale construction was deferred as the government worked to establish the special-purpose vehicle, onboard private investors and complete the necessary procurement and implementation arrangements.

The project was initially expected to be implemented over about five years, with an initial target of roughly 30,000km in the first year before the pace increased as private capital and construction capacity were brought into the programme. Tijani has since revised the overall delivery period to three years, bringing forward the expected completion of the 90,000km network.

Source: punchng.com

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