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FG budgets N135bn for 2027 election lawsuits

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The Federal Government has proposed N135.22bn in the 2026 budget for what it described as “Electoral Adjudication and Post Election Provision,” pointing to a fresh multi-billion-naira commitment to managing disputes and obligations that typically trail Nigeria’s elections.

The provision was contained in the House of Representatives Order Paper for March 31, 2026, which carried the report on the 2026 Appropriation Bill, as seen by The PUNCH on Monday.

The PUNCH observed that the allocation was captured under the Service-Wide Votes, a centrally managed pool of funds used by the Federal Government to finance obligations not tied to a specific ministry, department, or agency.

Service-Wide Votes are widely regarded as the government’s contingency or general-purpose fund within the budget.

It has been described as a central provision used to cover expenditures that cut across multiple agencies, including unforeseen obligations, national commitments, and liabilities that cannot be easily assigned to a single institution.

In some cases, the fund also accommodates items that require further approval or are not fully determined at the time of budget preparation.

Within this framework, the N135.22bn provision for post-election matters indicates that the government expects ongoing fiscal pressure from election-related legal disputes, settlements, and administrative processes.

Further analysis of the appropriation document showed that the provision sits within the broader Consolidated Revenue Fund charges, reinforcing its classification as a centrally managed obligation rather than a direct allocation to any single agency.

The budget schedule showed that total CRF charges stood at N3.70tn, meaning the electoral adjudication and post-election line alone accounted for about 3.65 per cent of that segment of spending.

The allocation came alongside a much larger N1.01tn statutory transfer to the Independent National Electoral Commission in the 2026 fiscal proposal.

The PUNCH observed that INEC is the largest recipient in this category, accounting for 21 per cent of the total statutory transfers of N4.80tn.

Statutory transfers are compulsory allocations backed by law and the Constitution, paid directly to government institutions such as INEC, the National Assembly, and the National Judicial Council.

These funds are released as a first-line charge from the Consolidated Revenue Fund and are not subject to direct executive control.

This means agencies receiving statutory transfers have a degree of financial autonomy and are guaranteed funding to carry out constitutionally mandated functions, particularly those tied to governance, democracy, and institutional oversight.

The PUNCH reported earlier in February that INEC informed the National Assembly it required N873.78bn to conduct the 2027 general elections. The agency also demanded N171bn to fund its operations in the 2026 fiscal year.

The N873.78bn proposed for the 2027 elections represents a significant increase over the N313.4bn released by the Federal Government for the 2023 general election.

The PUNCH further observed that the N135.22bn included in the 2026 appropriation bill is a new line item, which was not stated in the proposed 2026 budget.

Parties question allocation

However, opposition parties and civil society organisations have questioned this new allocation.

The People’s Democratic Party and the African Democratic Congress have raised concerns about the N135.22bn provision for post-election legal matters, questioning the allocation’s transparency and rationale and calling for greater accountability in its use.

The National Publicity Secretaries of the PDP and the ADC, Ini Ememobong and Bolaji Abdullahi, in an exclusive interview with The PUNCH, expressed concern that the provision suggests INEC is expecting legal disputes, implying a lack of preparedness to conduct free, fair, credible, and acceptable elections in 2027.

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The PDP National Publicity Secretary said the provision raises concerns about transparency in Nigeria’s electoral process. He argued that the allocation suggests INEC is anticipating disputes, adding that greater openness would “drastically reduce” post-election litigation.

Ememobong said, “It means that INEC itself is anticipating that it will not do well and that people will not accept the outcome of the results. Because if INEC becomes very transparent, post-election litigation will be reduced drastically. It is the lack of transparency and the obvious opacity of INEC during elections that result in post-election litigation.

“However, INEC, in every election, is meant to be neutral. So I am wondering what they are funding.”

He questioned the need for extensive legal funding, noting that “most of the lawyers should be in-house,” while alleging that external counsel may be influenced by political interests.

Ememobong warned that weak institutions and poor electoral conduct have historically undermined democracy, urging authorities to “learn from history” and prioritise governance over politics ahead of the 2027 elections.

“My advice is that the APC-led Federal Government, INEC, and everyone involved in the 2027 elections should take a step back to ensure we protect the country and democracy before talking about elections and partisanship,” he said.

On his part, the ADC Publicity Secretary said it is normal for the Independent National Electoral Commission to prepare for post-election litigation, noting that the electoral body is often joined in legal disputes arising from elections.

However, he raised concerns about the size of the N135bn provision, describing it as excessive given expectations of credible polls. Abdullahi questioned the basis for such a large budget for legal services and the number of cases being anticipated.

He argued that if elections are free and transparent, litigation should be minimal, warning that while the principle is valid, the amount raises accountability concerns.

Also reacting, a renowned political economist, Prof Pat Utomi, questioned why the Federal Government should make budgetary provisions for elections, insisting that elections are contested by individual candidates, not the government.

Speaking to The PUNCH, Utomi said, “It is not the Federal Government that goes to elections, it is the individual candidates, so why should the Federal Government have a budget for it? They should not.”

When asked whether such provisions could be meant for the Independent National Electoral Commission, which is often involved in post-election litigation, he maintained that the commission should manage its own budget.

“If the budget is for INEC, then it should be in the INEC budget, not the FG’s budget. Although the budget process in Nigeria is broken and has been a pure mess,” he added.

On his part, human rights lawyer, Femi Falana (SAN), has criticised the proposed expenditure on election-related legal matters, describing it as excessive and unjustifiable.

Falana speaking to The PUNCH on Monday, said, “It is on the very high side. Apart from the fact that INEC has its legal department that services all its offices in the 36 states of the Federation, INEC does not pay more than N3m per brief, even to a senior advocate. This is due to the fact that INEC maintains a neutral position in the majority of pre-election cases.”

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He noted that in 2023, the Independent National Electoral Commission was involved in a relatively limited number of legal disputes. “In 2023, INEC was joined as a party in less than 3,500 pre-election cases, election petitions, and appeals arising from them,” he said.

The senior advocate further argued that recent legal developments are expected to reduce the volume of such cases.

“With the ouster of the jurisdiction of the courts in the internal affairs of political parties, the number of pre-election cases will be substantially reduced, and if INEC conducts credible elections, there may be few election petitions and appeals,” Falana added.

He maintained that overall spending on election litigation should remain significantly lower than projected. “Altogether, INEC may not spend up to N20 billion on election legal battles,” he said.

Bodies react

The provision, approved by the National Assembly, has also sparked criticism from Civil Society Organisations, which questioned both the intent and implications of allocating such a substantial sum for anticipated electoral litigation.

The Executive Director of #FixPolitics Africa, Anthony Ubani, has raised concerns over the allocation for post-election legal battles, warning that it reflects deeper flaws in Nigeria’s electoral system.

Ubani said, “The N135.22bn allocation for post-election legal battles is a troubling signal about the state of our democracy”.

While he acknowledged that election disputes are part of the post-election period, he stressed that making a budget as high as the proposed sum calls for concern. He argued that the growing reliance on courts to determine electoral outcomes undermines public confidence in the democratic process.

“Yes, electoral disputes are normal, and the judiciary must be funded. But when a country begins to budget this heavily for post-election litigation, it suggests that elections are no longer expected to be trusted; they are expected to be contested.

“A credible electoral system should settle outcomes at the ballot box, not in the courtroom. But in Nigeria, elections are increasingly fought in three stages: primaries, voting day, and then the tribunal. This weakens public confidence and shifts the real battleground away from the people,” he said.

Ubani added that the trend encourages manipulation and reduces accountability among political actors.

“When politicians believe the final outcome will be decided in court, compliance drops, manipulation increases, and the system begins to reward strategy over integrity. Instead of fixing the root causes, weak electoral laws, poor transparency, weak enforcement, and flawed processes, we are budgeting to manage the consequences. That is backward.”

He called for reforms to strengthen electoral credibility, including real-time transmission of results.

“#FixPolitics, as you may know, has been at the vanguard of advocating and championing electoral transparency, the rescission of the flawed Electoral Act 2026, so that a new law can be passed that captures mandatory real-time electronic transmission of results.

“Just including mandatory real-time electronic transmission of results in the electoral law is enough to checkmate 55 per cent or more of the malpractices, opacity, and fraud in the electoral process. This, in turn, will necessarily cut the litigation budget at least by half.

“Nigeria must invest more in electoral integrity than in electoral disputes. The goal should be clear: elections that are credible enough to be accepted, not endlessly litigated. Anything less keeps us trapped in a cycle of distrust, cost, and democratic decline,” the political group emphasised.

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Reacting to the development, the Executive Director of the Centre for Anti-Corruption and Open Leadership, Debo Adeniran, said the allocation could only be justified under specific conditions.

“It could only be appropriate if it is allocated for legal battles by or against INEC. But if it is for legal battles involving the ruling party, that would be unwarranted. That would be abnormal,” he said.

Adeniran noted that budgeting for legal disputes reflects contingency planning but warned against duplication of responsibilities, particularly if the Independent National Electoral Commission already has provisions covering such expenses.

He added that the scale of potential litigation across political parties and jurisdictions could significantly drive up costs. “The research, evidence, and witnesses will also be compiled. All of these things really cost money. So legal fees can be very hefty sometimes, but because it is a plan, whatever is not spent is expected to be returned to the treasury,” Adeniran said.

However, he questioned why the Federal Government should shoulder such a responsibility if INEC already receives substantial funding. “So it would be like double appropriation. If INEC has already received nearly a trillion naira, it ought to have included legal battles in its appropriation,” he said.

He stressed that as an independent body, INEC should manage its legal funding through its own budgetary framework. Adeniran further warned against using public funds to support political parties in election-related litigation.

Also speaking, the Executive Director of the Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre, Auwal Rafsanjani, described the allocation as troubling, suggesting it signals an expectation of widespread electoral disputes.

“The idea of this huge amount of money for an anticipated legal tussle on the election shows that there appears to be already a premeditated plan to create conditions for an election dispute,” he said.

Rafsanjani questioned the rationale behind allocating large sums for elections that should ideally be conducted transparently and efficiently. “And why is it that Nigeria is spending so much money to conduct an election, and the election ends up in unsatisfactory conduct?” he asked.

He argued that credible electoral processes would significantly reduce the need for post-election litigation. “Conducting free and fair elections will actually help us to minimise waste and duplication of resources if we are honest and sincere about organising an election,” Rafsanjani stated.

He also raised concerns about fairness, warning that such funds could disproportionately benefit ruling party candidates. “So both INEC and the ruling party must not take advantage and undermine the other opposition political parties in the country if we really want to ensure that we are fair and balanced,” he said.

Rafsanjani concluded by urging authorities to prioritise electoral integrity over preparing for disputes. “I think INEC and the government should ensure that we have an election that is conducted in the most democratic, fair, transparent, and inclusive ways. This is the best way to cure the waste of public taxpayers’ money to pay for electoral disputes,” he said.

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Step-by-step guide for contactless passport renewal for Nigerians abroad

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The Nigeria Immigration Service has released an updated step-by-step guide for Nigerians living abroad to renew their passports through its Contactless Passport Application System.

The Service announced the update in a post on its official X handle on Tuesday, encouraging Nigerians in the diaspora to take advantage of the digital platform.

According to the Service, the application process involves the following steps:

1. Visit the official NIS Passport Application portal.
2. Select Continue from the pop-up window.
3. Click Apply for Renewal/Re-issue.
4. Create an account and verify your identity using your National Identification Number and date of birth.
5. Complete the application form and choose your preferred processing embassy or high commission.
6. Upload the required documents.
7. Pay the passport fee for your selected booklet.
8. Obtain your Application ID and Reference Number.
9. Select the Contactless option under the Application Status/Book Appointment section.
10. Review the contactless instructions and click “I Understand and Opt In.”
11. Download the NIS Mobile App.
12. Log in or create a profile on the app.
13. Select Passport Application Services.
14. Click Passport Biometrics Enrolment, enter your Application ID and Reference Number, and check your eligibility.
15. Capture your facial image and fingerprints.
16. Complete the liveness verification.
17. Pay the contactless service fee.
18. Submit your biometrics.

The Service, however, noted that not all applicants would qualify for the contactless process.

“If response is INELIGIBLE, then it means applicant should return to the landing page of the portal to book physical appointment at the Embassy/High Commission,” it stated.

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For applicants who successfully complete the contactless biometric enrolment, the NIS said additional documents must be forwarded to the selected processing mission.

“Upon successful completion of biometrics via Contactless App, applicant should print-out the Application form, passport booklet payment, biometric payment, current Passport and enclose all in a self-addressed return envelope to the processing embassy selected during the application process,” the Service said.

It added that applicants would be able to monitor the progress of their applications after submission.

“Applicant may track successful application two weeks after submission via https://track.immigration.gov.ng or on the NIS Mobile App,” the Service added.

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PFIPC scandal: Ex-SGF Babachir Lawal suspects ‘big racket’ behind ‘fake’ agency’s budget code

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A former Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Babachir Lawal, has called for a judicial inquiry into the controversy surrounding the alleged fake Presidential Fiscal and Infrastructure Projects Council (PFIPC), arguing that the scandal points to deep institutional failures rather than a simple administrative error.

Speaking in an interview with ARISE NEWS on Monday, Lawal said the circumstances surrounding the alleged agency suggested the existence of a wider network that enabled it to function within government processes despite questions over its legal status.

He insisted that an administrative investigation alone would be insufficient. “I don’t think it should even be administrative alone; it should be a judicial inquiry”, the former SGF clearly stated.

Lawal questioned claims surrounding an alleged ₦27.5bn take-off grant reportedly linked to the agency, asking how such funds could have been approved and released if the organisation had no legal basis.

“Nigerians are talking about how N1.3bn was inserted into the budget. The man himself first said the quarrel came about because he refused to part with 48% of the 27-point-something billion Naira take-off grant. That money has been spent before this budget office was looking for the budget.

“Who gave him the money? It was not appropriated for; it’s not in any budget, that N27.5bn Naira for which he says somebody demanded 48%. Who gave him the money? How did the process of generating the request for the release come up? How did it go through?

“We are just talking about the tip of the iceberg here. Down there, before we got to here, N27.5bn had already been disbursed, according to him, as a take-off grant. How did that money get to him? It was not in the budget. So this is what should frighten us. If such money can go to a fictitious organisation, we only now begin to see it when we are quarrelling about how it got into the budget. How did that money get to them?”, Babachir queried.

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The former SGF argued that the controversy only became public because of disagreements over the sharing of funds rather than because government oversight mechanisms functioned effectively.

He continued,… “So you see, that’s how we got to know this to start with. That is the reason why we got to know this on his side of the coin. It’s about the sharing of the N27.5bn. That’s why the thing came up. So it didn’t work. It should have worked before that money left the government coffers into the account of the agency.”

Lawal also alleged that the scandal reflected broader institutional weaknesses within the current administration, arguing that the Office of the SGF should have detected any irregularities before the matter progressed through official channels.

He maintained that the SGF’s office bears responsibility for identifying and flagging agencies without legal backing before their requests or budgets proceed through government.

He said, “It’s institutional compromise, because in this, I sense there’s quite a big racket going on somewhere along the line. If the agency was created by maybe one big man alone, and then he wants to go through the budget process, the budget office assigns the budget code according to the chart of accounts in GIFMIS. So, how did they manage to assign the budget code for this agency that does not exist? Who inserted it?

“Because first of all, the budget office issues a budget call circular to MDAs, and everybody starts to prepare his budget according to the budget line. They give you ceilings, and you prepare your budget and forward it to the budget office as an agency or ministry. Now, the Ministry of Budget and Planning would, in our time, call every MDA to come and defend its budget. Now, if you don’t exist, how did they recognise that you are a genuine entity? Who gave out the budget code and allowed their budget to pass?

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“That’s what oversight is. The SGF should be able to know, because before it gets to the National Assembly, that budget goes through the SGF. Unless there’s a dereliction of duty by the SGF’s office, the responsibility to flag that this is a fake agency would have come from them.”

Lawal further criticised the National Assembly, accusing lawmakers of failing to thoroughly scrutinise budget proposals.

“It is a legislative oversight. This government—this National Assembly—has no interest in scrutinising the budget that comes before them. Most of the legislators just go in there to earn their salaries and collect allowances and go. They don’t scrutinise the budget line by line. We all know how this particular government works. There are some people that when they talk, nobody else has the authority to contravene.”

He also suggested that public attention should focus not only on the agency’s legal status but on the individuals who allegedly enabled its operations.

“Why are you interested in N27.5bn that had already been collected and spent? We are talking about an agency that we are claiming doesn’t exist. Maybe it exists, but it doesn’t have a legal framework for its existence. But it exists. And there are a lot of powerful people that make sure it exists in that form.

“Those are the people we need to expose. The Chief of Staff, in particular, is so powerful. The SGF is there, just reneging on his responsibilities. And nothing has happened now”, he concluded.

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Fake Agency Scandal: Gbajabiamila threatens Adeyemi with N10bn defamation suit

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Chief of Staff to the President, Femi Gbajabiamila, ha threatened to initiate legal steps against Prince Adeniyi Adeyemi, and demand N10 billion in damages over allegations linking him to murder, bribery and other criminal activities.

The move was conveyed in a letter dated July 6, 2026, signed by Senior Advocate of Nigeria, Kemi Pinheiro, on behalf of Pinheiro LP, the Chief of Staff’s legal representatives.

The dispute stems from a press conference held by Adeyemi on June 25, during which he accused Gbajabiamila of seeking a share of the alleged take-off funds of the Presidential Foreign Intervention Promotion Council (PFIPC), receiving money through intermediaries, abusing his office and participating in efforts to conceal wrongdoing.Death & Tragedy

During the briefing, Adeyemi also referred to the Chief of Staff as “a murderer” and “an assassin”.

The Presidency has consistently maintained that the PFIPC is a fictitious organisation, despite its appearance in the 2026 Appropriation Act.

Gbajabiamila’s lawyers dismissed all the allegations as entirely false and defamatory, saying they were intended to damage his reputation.

The letter stated: “not only false but gravely defamatory,” adding that the allegations were “designed to portray our client as corrupt, dishonest, criminally culpable, morally bankrupt, administratively incompetent, a murderer and unfit to occupy public office.”

According to the legal team, Adeyemi is already standing trial before the Federal High Court in Abuja in Charge No. FHC/ABJ/CR/652/2026, FRN v. Prince Adeniyi Adeyemi Matthew & Ors, over allegations including forgery of an appointment letter bearing Gbajabiamila’s purported signature and the alleged counterfeiting of Presidential letter-headed papers to present himself as a government official.Nigeria Investment Guide

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The lawyers further rejected Adeyemi’s claims that Gbajabiamila demanded 48 per cent of a purported N27.4 billion take-off grant for the council, amounting to about N12.5 billion, or that he received N400 million through proxies connected to appointments within the organisation.

Other allegations dismissed in the letter included claims that the Chief of Staff intimidated individuals and media organisations, manipulated budget processes, attempted to misuse security agencies and performed official duties while under the influence of intoxicating substances.Trending News Feed

Gbajabiamila also denied ever having any relationship with Adeyemi.

“You have never at any time met, interacted with, communicated with, or had any form of personal or official dealing whatsoever with him,” the lawyers wrote, adding that the decision to “fabricate and publish allegations against a person with whom you have had absolutely no relationship or interaction underscores the reckless, baseless and malicious nature of your publication.”

The legal team also criticised the timing of the allegations, noting that they were made after criminal proceedings had already been instituted against Adeyemi.

“It is even more disturbing to our client that you resorted to defaming him through your press statements after a criminal Charge had been filed against you,” the letter stated.

It added, “Trial by media remains unknown to Nigerian law and cannot be a substitute for due process.”Nigeria Investment Guide

Gbajabiamila’s lawyers demanded that Adeyemi immediately stop making further defamatory statements, remove all related videos, recordings and transcripts from every platform, issue a full retraction and apology in at least five national newspapers and across all social media platforms used to circulate the claims, and provide a written undertaking that he would refrain from making further allegations.

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The letter warned that failure to comply would result in both criminal defamation proceedings under the laws of the Federal Capital Territory and a civil lawsuit seeking N10 billion in aggravated and exemplary damages. The damages, it said, would be donated to a charity chosen by Gbajabiamila. The legal action would also seek a perpetual injunction and a court order compelling the publication of an apology.

The controversy centres on the PFIPC, which was listed in the 2026 Appropriation Act under the title Presidential Economic Advisory Council/Presidential Foreign Intervention Promotion Council and received more than N1.3 billion in budgetary allocations, including about N803 million for personnel, N200 million for overhead and N300 million for capital expenditure.

Adeyemi had argued during his June 25 press conference that an agency included in a budget signed by the President could not be regarded as non-existent.

However, the Presidency insists the council is fraudulent and has no legal existence.

Meanwhile, human rights lawyer Femi Falana has argued that the Presidency lacks the constitutional authority to clear anyone involved in the dispute and has called for an independent investigation into the allegations against both Gbajabiamila and Adeyemi.

Adeyemi is scheduled to appear before the Federal High Court on July 27, 2026.

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